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Full text of "The proposed system of trade with Ireland explained"

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THE PROPOSED 

SYSTEM OF TRADE 

WITH 

IRELAND 

EXPLAINED. 

(Price One Shilling and Six Pence] 



v; 



tHE PROPOSED 

SYSTEM 



O F 



R A D E 



WITH 



IRELAND 

EXPLAINED. 



LONDON: 



Printed by and for John Nichols ; 

And sold by T. Cadell, in the Strand ; 

Cj. G. J. and J. Robinson, Pater -Noster 

Row ; and J. Sewill, in Cornhill. 

MDCCLXXXV. 



1534 

600099 

14-. t • 35 



( 5 ) 



1"~"1H E intended arrangement for a final fettle- 
ment of all commercial points with Ireland 
is of too interefting a nature to the public, to ren- 
der any apology neceflary for an attempt to ex- 
plain, briefly and fairly, the effect it will have on 
the interefts of this kingdom. The Author of the 
following meets has been induced to collect: the 
matter therein contained haflily, in order, if pof* 
fible, to clear the fubjefl: from mifreprefentations, 
whether intentional or otherwife. 

The Refolutions were no fooner received from 
Ireland, than they were printed with comments, 
accompanied with a part of what Mr. Orde is re- 
potted to have laid, in opening them in the Houfe 
of Commons there. Thefe papers have been cir- 
culated with infinite indufhy, and at a conhder- 

B able 



( 6 ) 

able expc nee, all through England and Scotland - 
If this has been done, from pure principles of 
patriotifm, merely to awaken the attention of the 
merchants, traders, and manufacturers of Great 
Britain to their true interefts ; thofe who have fb 
employed their time and their money deferve 
commendation : But if all their exertions have pro- 
ceeded from a defire to throw difficulties in the 
way of a permanent fettlement with Ireland, on 
terms of equality and mutual advantage, or, if 
poffible, to prevent it entirely, they will lin- 
queftionabiy merit the execrations of all honeft 
and well-meaning men. The arguments on one 
fide have been produced in declamatory pam- 
phlets, hand-bills, erTays, and paragraphs ; in an- 
fwer to thofe, a patient attention to a plain fiate- 
ment of facts is earneftly entreated ; — the public 
will, if that is given, be able to form a fair judge- 
meat of a bufinefs, in which, from the nature of 
it, we muft expect to encounter prejudices, as well 
as good fenfe and reafon. 

The opinions of thofe who object to the pro- 
pofed fyftem are fo various, and appear to have 
fo little foundation, that it is not eafy to collect 
the fubftance of their apprehenfions ^ — they muft, 

how- 



(7 ) 

however, mean to contend, that It will have a 
dangerous operation on the navigation and the 
commerce of this country. It is, therefore, proper 
to fhew the prefent fituation of Ireland, with the 
means by which fhe has attained it ; the one me 
wifhes to be placed in, and the probable effedts 
which the whole arrangement will have, if com- 
pleted, on our manufactures, our trade, and our. 
Shipping. 

Ireland is, at this time, an independent king- 
dom, in pofTeflion of a conftitution as free as 
the one we have the happinefs to enjoy, with a 
right to trade with every nation on earth, which 
chufes to trade with her. The connection which 
fubfifts between her and this country induces her, 
however, to reftrain herfelf in many inftances, and 
to confine her confumption to the produce of 
Great Britain and her Colonies, for the mutual 
advantage of the two countries. 

Ireland being, therefore, in pofTeflion of a right 
to a free trade with all the world, fhe complain* 
of reftraints ftill impofed on her by Great Britain, 
in whofe favour fhe has reftrained herfelf. Great 
conceffions, it is true, have been made to her 
B z withip 



( 3 ) 

within thefe few years, during a former adminif- 
tration ; they were made, however, but as neceffity 
compelled them; without fyftem, without con- 
cert, and without even previously knowing what 
fatisfaclion they would afford her ; much lefs was 
any attempt made to obtain the-fmalleit advantage 
in return : nothing was ever attended to, but on 
the prelTure of the moment ; when her calls were 
loud and alarming, an expedient was to be thought 
of to flop them * -, in that manner fhe obtained 
the acts of 18 Geo. III. ch. 55, and the 20th 
Geo. III. ch. 10. Under the laft, the derived the 
mofc important benefit of all, a direct trade to the 
Britifh Colonies, infinitely more valuable to her 
than every thing which, from that time, remained 
to be given to her. It is not intended here to cen- 

* Mr. Fox faid in the Houfe of Common3 in 1782, when 

Secretary of State, " The late Minifrers never looked beyond 

44 the prefent moment ; they never provided for what was to 

" come ; they never did things either finally or effectually. " 

Pail. Debates, 178a, vol. VII. p. 8. 

And in another debate the fame gentleman faid, ,J When 
*« the late Minifters agreed to the exteniion of the trade of 
«* Ireland, they mould have ultimately fettled the claims, and 
"fixed the fituation; they ought to anfwer to the country 
u for not having done it ; that meafures would be taken for 
'• this defireable end," The fame vol. p. 1 2. 

fure 



( 9 ) 

fure that meafure in the fmalleft degree, but to 
infill: that it ihould have formed but a part of a final 
Settlement, which might then have been concluded 
with infinitely lets difficulty than now : Great Bri- 
tain having thus relieved Ireland fin far, by open- 
ing to her a free trade to the Britifh Colonies in 
Africa and Amtrica, upon the fame terms on 
which fhe trades with them herfelf ; ftie now re- 
quells, as a completion of the meafure, that Great 
Britain will remove the remaining reftri&icns which 
(till fetter her trade, urging as the bails of her 
claim, EQUALITY IN trade, for monopoly of 

CONSUMPTION. 

This equality was Intended to have been pro- 
pofed by Lord North, in the year 1779, tf he 
had pofTefTed energy enough to have perfected a 
fyftem of any fort * ; but as that could net be 

done 

* Lord Hillfhorough, in December, 1779, explaining 
what he meant in a former debate, faid, ** the obvious mean" 
" ing of his words was, that, previous to his acceptance of 
*« the feals as Secretary of State, he defired to know the in- 
«' tentions of his Majelty's Mini tiers, and the opinion of his 
" Council, relative to future meaiures refpecting Ireland ; 
44 and received every aflu ranee from them, that Government 
** was thoroughly dii'pofed to co-operate with Parliament in 
** giving to th.it kingdom fuch an extenfion of trade as 

B 3 ** would 



( 10 ) 

done without an accurate in ve (ligation and mi- 
nute inquiries, the decifion was from time to tima 
delayed till within twenty-four hours of the Irifh 
bufmefs being opened in the Houfe of Commons 
in that year, notwithflanding an unanimous ad- 
drefs had been prefented to the King at the 
clofe of the preceding Seffion, ft recommending to 
" His Majefty's moft ferious confideration, the dif- 
" trelfed and impoverilhed ftate of the loyal and 
" well-deferving people of Ireland; and to direct 

<l would put her on a footing with Great Britain on the 
'* fcale of commerce ; this wa"s what he meant ; he accepted 
u the feals upon that idea, and no other." 

Parliamentary Debates, 1779, vol. XV. p. 94. 

Lord Hillfborough's meaning was afterwards further ex- 
plained by Lord Beauchamp in the Houfe of Commons, 
when Lord North was prefent : *' that an equal trade would 
ct be granted to Ireland, upon the broad bafis of impartiality 
« and juftice." Vol. XVI. p. 1 16. 

Lord North, in the debate upon his bill for giving the Jrilk 
the direct trade to the Colonies, a free exportation of wool- 
lens, &c. faid, " he acknowledged this was but a rough out- 
•* line of the general plan on the idea of an equal trade ; it 
•' would demand much confideration, and require much mo- 
M delling; it was a matter of infinite delicacy; would call 
** for a great deal of detail and inquiry, &c. &c. &c." 

Vol. XVI. p. 1 S3. 
'« that 



( xi ) 

* that there be prepared, and laid before Parliament, 
*' fuch particulars, relative to the trade and manu- 
*' factures of Great Britain and Ireland, as to enable 
" the national wifdom to purfue effectual meafures, 
" for the common ftrength, wealth, and commerce 
" of His Majefty's fubjects in both kingdoms;" and 
his Majefty's anfwer, " that he would give direc- 
" tions accordingly ;** a determination was then 
at length fuddenly taken, to give the boon juft 
mentioned, without the promifed information. 
As foon, however, as the meafure was refolved on, 
another of His Majefly's miniflers, who highly ap- 
proved of it, fent off the pleafing intelligence to 
Ireland; and it was actually known to the mer- 
chants of Dublin, Cork, and Waterford, before the 
Lord Lieutenant had advice of it. A benefit, fo 
Ibeftowed and communicated, was eftimated by the 
Irifh naturally enough, much below its real value, 
and the full effect of it was confequently loft. 

While the ports of Ireland are open to receive 
from Great Britain every fpecies of commodity, 
whether the produce of Great Britain and her 
colonies, or any other part of Europe, Afia, 
Africa, and America ; Great Britain, either by an 
interpretation of the Navigation- Act or fubfe- 
quent laws, by actual prohibitions, or by prohi- 

B 4 bitions 



( ¥ ) 

bitions ariiing from duties, fhuts her ports againft 
Ireland in thofe articles of commerce which Ireland' 
admits freely from her* 

This inequality is complained of by Ireland, as 
unwife as well as oppreflive ; fhe defires therefore 
that fhe may be at liberty to import into Great 
Britain every fpecies of goods, whether raw ma-' 
terials or manufactures, which Great Britain can 
import into Ireland upon equal terms reciprocally. 

The articles in which Ireland is retrained may 
be divided into two kinds. 

Ift, All articles the produce of the Britifh Co- 
lonies in Afia, Africa, and America \ and, 

Ildly, Certain articles of the growth, produce, 
or manufacture, as well of Great Britain as of 
Ireland. 

Ireland is reftrained in the firfl by an interprets* 
tion of the Navigation Act as explained by the twenty - 
fecond and twenty-third of Charles the Second, Ch. 
26, and the Irifh acts of fourteenth and fifteenth 

Charles 



( n ) 

Charles the Second ; and in the laft by actual pro- 
hibitions, or by prohibitory duties. 

Let us fuppofe that all articles not the growth, 
produce, or manufacture of Great Britain or Ire- 
land, mould be admitted to importation into each 
kingdom from the other, upon the fame duties to 
which they would be fubjectif imported from the 
places of their growtJi^aila that the quantum of 
duties not drawn back upon the exportation of thofe 
articles, fhould be precifely the fame in both 
countries : That upon articles the native produce or 
manufacture of either country no prohibition mould 
exifh but that all fuch articles mould be importable 
from either country into the other; and that the 
duties payable upon each article mould be precifely 
the fame in both countries. 

The firft proportion relates then to the articles 
of commerce not the growth, produce, or manu- 
facture of Great Britain or Ireland ; and the laft to 
thofe articles which are the native produce or ma- 
nufacture of either country. 

5 



The 



( *4 ) 

The fair way on fuch a fuppofition of examin- 
ing how far fuch conceflions may affect the trade 
of Great Britain, will be to (late how the law flands 
at prefent upon each proportion, and how it will 
Hand hereafter, pointing out the particular objects 
of produce or manufacture, which will be affected 
by the alteration, and then to confider each par- 
ticularly. 

Much contrariety of opinion has been held in 
Great Britain and Ireland about the interpretation 
of the Navigation Act, as to its permitting the 
produce of Afia, Africa, and America, to be car- 
ried to Ireland through Great Britain, but retrain- 
ing the fame produce being brought to Great- 
Britain through Ireland. The conduction, how- 
ever, in both countries, has invariably been, that, 
the words " foreign growth," &c. do not relate to 
goods, &c. the growth, produce, or manufacture 
of Europe ; and the practice has always been ac- 
cordingly to admit fuch goods, &c. from the one 
country into the other, upon the fame duties as 

they 



( is ) 

they would be fubjeft to from the place of their 
growth *. 

If the law is now to be altered, to put both 
countries on the fame ^footing, it will follow that 
Ireland will apparently acquire a liberty of export- 
ing to Great Britain the produce of Afia, Africa, 
and America.' 

The trade of Great Britain can, however, be 
affected only in articles, the growth, produce, 
or manufacture of the two laft-mentioned quarters 
of the world ; becaufe fhe has by her own laws 
reftrained her importation of Afiatic produce from 
all places except Great Britain, giving the Eaft 
India Company a monopoly of her confumption ; 
and the goods of Europe have always been ad- 
mitted without interruption from the one country 
into the other. 

With refpecl: to Africa, there exifts at prefent 
.no trade or intercourfe between it and Ireland; 

* The fourth fe&ion, requiringjgoods to be brought dire&ly 
from the place of their growth, refers to the countries a fore - 
laid, Afia, Africa, and America, mentioned in the third 
fcftjom 

not 



C 16 ) • 

nor is there much profpecf. of any ; as there is, 
however, a poffibility of one, it lhall be confidered 
with the trade of America, which is of confider- 
able extent with Ireland. 

• By the laws of both kingdoms, as they now 
ftand, Ireland has a right to export all her pro- 
duce and' manufacture to Africa and America, 
and to import from thence all articles of the 
growth, produce, or manufacture of thofe conn- 
tries ; and having imported them into Ireland, 
Ihe can again export them to all parts of the 
world to which Great Britain can fend them; 
which import and export trade is, as to duties and 
drawbacks, precifely the fame in both countries. 
Nothing then is defired by Ireland, or given by 
Great Britain, as to the general trade between 
Ireland, Africa, and America; or between Ireland 
and the reft of the world. 

The mifchief therefore to be dreaded, is re- 
duced to the apprehenfion, that the produce of 
the Colonies will be brought often through Ireland. 
This muft arife either from Ireland becoming the 
carriers of African and American goods for the 
merchants of Great Britain, or from her being 

able 



( i7.) 

able to import them upon her own capital, and 
fend them into Great Britain upon fuch terms as 
to enable her to underfell the Britifh merchants in 
their own markets. 

To form a true judgement how far this apprehen^ 
lion is grounded, we muft confider the prefent fitua- 
tion of the Irifh in this refpect. They can now im- 
port directly into Great Britain, in Irifh fhips navi- 
gated according to law, all the produce of Africa 
and America, exa&ly on the fame terms as the 
merchants of England ; they can alfo import thefe 
goods in Irifh fhips into Ireland, where they are 
fubject to the fame duties as here; can invoice any 
part of the cargo to be landed there, and the re- 
mainder to be fent to any part of Great Britain. 
How then can the carrying-trade be affected by 
the prefent queflion? becaufe, whether the ex- 
tenfion is admitted or not, Ireland can equally 
carry both directly from the Colonies, and cir- 
cuitoufly as above ftated, all the produce thereof. 
And this will tend equally to fhew, that this alte- 
ration cannot enable her to fend fuch produce into 
Great Britain upon cheaper terms than flie .imports 
it at prefent ; for the only benefit that would arife 
io Ireland by it would be, that fhe might then 

land 



C tt ) 

land the produce of Africa and America in her" 
own ports ; and, if at the time that her merchants 
fhould want to difpofe of it, there mould be a better 
market in Britain than in Ireland, Ihe might fend 
it there to a poflible advantage ; to a certain one 
Ihe never could, as the prices of fugars fluctuate 
too confiderably in the London market, for any 
reliance to be had on their keeping up long enough 
for a veffel to perform a voyage from Cork or 
Waterford to this city. 

It appears, therefore, that the profpecl of ad- 
vantages to be derived to Ireland are not particu- 
larly flattering in this part of the arrangement. 
She may, however, be benefited without any in- 
jury to England, unlefs it can be {hewn that it is a 
difadvantage to the latter, that the produce fhould 
not bear a price above its natural value in her own 
market ; Ireland will, it is true, in future, have 
the fame advantage of the Englifh market as we 
have of theirs ; and no good reafon can be given 
why they fhould not, in perfecting a fyftem of 
equality of trade. If that circumflance fhould 
ever have the efFedt of reducing the prices of 
colony produce, it will enable the exportation of 
it to foreign countries on better terms. 

Great 



( i9 ) 

Great flrefs is laid on the advantageous fituation 
of Ireland for carrying on trade with Africa and 
America ; and it is urged, that fhe can import 
articles from thence much cheaper than England, 
confequently that fhe will underfell Great Britain. 
Nothing, however, can be lefs true. Admitting 
even that fhe can import from thence for her own 
confumption on more favourable terms than Great 
Britain can for her's ; yet it is demonflrable, that 
the argument does not apply to her fupplying 
England, unlefs it is contended, that the fhorteft 
and cheapefl way of importing goods from Africa 
and America to this country is, by carrying them 
firft into a port in Ireland, and then bringing them 
from thence to a port here. Such reafoning is too 
grofs for the blindeft prejudice. 

The truth is, that the 'price of freight and pre- 
miums of infurance from all parts of America, in- 
cluding the Weft India Iflands, to the ports ia 
Ireland, are precifely the fame as to the ports in 
Great Britain. Whatever, therefore, is imported 
here from the Colonies through Ireland, muft 
come in burthened with the additional charges of 
the ufual freight and infurance from that country 
to this, and with the expences there attending the 
7 landing 



( 2° ) 

landing the produce, cuftom-houfe fees, ware- 
houfeing, wafte, &c. &c. &c. 

In the Irifli Channel Great Britain has ports 
nearly oppofke to the Irifli ones — Briflol to Corke 
— Chefter, Liverpool, and Whitehaven, to Dublin 
and Newry : the ports on the Weft coaft of Ire- 
land, though nearer to America, are remote from 
England; and the voyage round the iiland requires 
a variety of winds, confequently is tedious an4 
hazardous. 

It is alfo infifted, that if Ireland is permitted to 
fend the produce of Africa and America into Eng- 
land, fhe will underfell the Britifh merchants, be- 
caufe, having a right to fend her manufactures to 
the Colonies, and being able to make them up 
cheaper than England, fhe will be able, by ex- 
changing them for Colony produce, to underfell 
England. 

If this is true, why does not Ireland now avail 
berfelf of the advantage ? as fhe can at this time 
fend her manufactures to Africa and America, and 
caa bring back directly to Great Britain all their 
produce, which, has been plainly fhewn to be her 

cheap eft 



( « ) 

cheapeft way of doing it. It is, however, perfectly 
well known, that the Englifh manufactures meet 
the Iriih in their own markets, loaded with 
freights, duties, infurance, and commiflion ; it re- 
quires, therefore, not much argurrTent to prove 
that they will have no great advantage of us in 
thofe of America or the Weft Indies *.. There 
does not occur a lingle reafon for fuppofing that 
Ireland will be able to procure the produce of the 
Weft Indies on better terms than Great Britain ; 
but there are fome obvious ones to prove the con- 
trary. 

The eftates in the Iflands are owned almoft ex- 
clufively by perfons in this country, or having 
connections here ; the Englilh merchants have ad- 
vanced large funis on many of them, which either 
fecures or induces the produce to be/ brought 

* This was argued by Lord North, in 1779, who ufed 
almoft the fame words : «« It could hardly be expected that 
" Ireland would be able to rival Great Britain af Foreign 
" Markets, when, after the expence of land carriage* freight, 
" infurance, &c. flic is able to underfell Ireland in her own 
" markets, on the very fpot, though aided by the advantage 
*' of low wages and taxes." 

Parliamentary Debates, 1779, vol. XVI. p. 177, 
C here ; 



( « ) 

here : Great Britain is in pofleffion of the whole 
of the African trade, which rnuft of neceffity give 
her a decided fuperiority in het commerce with 
the Weft Indies ; ihe has alfo other confiderable 
advantages, among which may be reckoned a nu- 
merous Shipping, with the eonfequent cheapnefs 
of freights ;— -the large capitals of her merchants, 
and great wealth diffufed through the country •, — . 
the long credits ihe is thereby enabled to give 
and the afTortments fhe is enabled to make up for 
cargoes, in which fhe is affifted by her monopoly 
of the Eaft India trade ; — thefe reafons will account 
for the prices of fugar and rum being often as low 
in Great Britain as in the places of growth, which 
induces Ireland to purchafe here upon credit, 
rather than in the Iflands. The ftate of the ex- 
portation of Weft India produce from Great Bri- 
tain to Ireland in *774 (previous to the frnalleft 
interruption of our commerce), and of importation 
into Ireland from Great Britain in 1784, together 
with a comparative account of the imports and 
exports of rum and fugar into and from England 
for two years, ending at Chriftmas 1764, and at 
Chriftmas 1 783, will prove this more forcibly than 
any arguments, when it is confidered that Ireland 



( *3 ) 

lias now been near fix years in full poffeffion of a 
diredt trade to the Colonies *. 

The advantages before enumerated muft necef- 
farily facilitate the purchafe of produce in the 
Iflands, or obtain the coniignment being made 
here, as well as fecure a certain market for it when 
it arrives. 

f Exported from England to Ireland, 

in 1 7 74, of Sugar 1 72,496 Cwt. 

Imported into Ireland from England, 

in 1784, of Sugar 160,082 Cwt. 

Exported from England to Ireland, 

in 1774, of Rum 363,822 Gallons 

Imported into Ireland from England, 
in 1784, of Rum 944*479 Gallon^ 

Imports into Great Britain. 
Rum, 2764, 7,689,805 Gallons 

t? 8 a> 1,885,407 Gallop 

Sugar, 1764, i,435,22t Cwt. 

1783, M9 8 /86o Cwt. 

Exports from Great Britain. 
&nm, J7 6 4» 747,730 Gallons 

*7$Ji 2,380,257 Gallon* 

Sugar, 1764, 164,228 Cwt. 

1783, 120, 177 Cwt. 

The Irifh accounts of importation, in 1784, differ ftpfft 
the Englifh exports in that year, which muft b? owing to 
their fceing made up to different period^ 

C 2 Tfee 



( *4 ) 

The Irifh merchant who trades to the Weft 
Indies muft, on the other hand, buy produce there, 
either with his outward-bound cargo, which will 
not buy more than half a one home; or with bills, 
for which he muft pay a commifiion to obtain in- 
dorsements. 

Under thefe circumftances, is it likely that Ire- 
land will fupply her own confumption of fugars, 
rum, &c. much lcfs fend any of thofe articles 
here ? Admitting, however, fuch a poffibility to 
exift, what grounds of apprehenfion can there be 
of her fupply ing that of Great Britain from, her 
ftores, under all the difadvantages already enu- 
merated, of double freight, double infurance, treble 
Cuflom-houfe fees, interefl of money, waftc, com- 
mifiion, ftorage, &c. &c. ? 

It has been urged by fome perfons, that the ad- 
miflion of the colony produce through Ireland 
will afford means to the merchants of that country, 
for a fpeculation which may be prejudicial to this. 
In nnfwer to which, little more is neceffary than to 
appeal to the merchants here, whether a fpecula- 
tion by a direft importation, made feldorn but from 

neceflity, 



( 25 ) 

neceffity, anfwers once in a hundred times. If the 
profpeel as to advanced price was, however, more 
flattering by keeping the commodities with a view 
to it ; let it be remembered that fugar and rum, 
the principal articles, are both of a perilhable na- 
ture, and that the lofs of quantity is certain, though 
the rife of the price is doubtful. Great Britain 
not only fupplies herfelf with this article and with 
tobacco now, but conftantly exports large quantities 
for the fupply of other markets. If then theBri- 
tifh market is fupplied with more than fufficient for 
its own confumption, how is Ireland to fpeculate 
upon the opening that market, except for the pur- 
pofe of fending in fuch produce to be re-exported 
to fome other country, where Ireland can at this 
day fend it directly, and have that profit which ihe 
would transfer to England by fending it through 
her medium ? " 

We are not, however, without means of forming 
a pofitive judgement on this fubjeft. Cotton wool, 
which is not fubject to injury or wade by keeping, 
is a confiderable article of produce in our colonies, 
and has long been importable from Ireland into 
this country, furnifhes a ftrong inftance that the 
Jrifh wiil not be induced to try the fpeculation fo 
C * much 



( 2* ) 

touch apprehended. The prices of it have 
fluctuated within thefe four years from fourteen 
pence to three {hillings and fix pence per pound j 
of co'arfe the temptation muft be greater to fpecu- 
late in it than any other article ; and yet not a -tingle 
bag has ever been exported from Ireland, but, on 
the contrary, our export to that country has hi* 
creafed *. 

The danger of introducing foreign fugars through 
Ireland has ulfo been much infilled on, rtnd it has 
Tery much alarmed the minds of the Well India 
planters and merchants; who are not within a pof- 
bility of being affected by thefe regulations, as 
fuch danger is not certainly increafed by them* 
Many of thefe gentlemen know perfectly well that 
the principal rill of introducing foreign fugars into 
this country is through our own Iflands ; the traders 
there procure them, with confiderable difficulty it is 
true, in fmall quantities from the French ; but when 
they get them on {hore, they obtain the neceflary 
documents with great eafe to entitle them to obtain 
certificates from the Cuftom-houfes, under which) 

» In the year i 774 we exported to Ireland cotton wool of 
the Bnrifh Plantation 510 pounds, and in 1784 we exported 
34,2531b. 

they 



( *7 ) 

they can juft as well fhip them for this kingdom at 
for Ireland. An effectual remedy may, however, 
be fuggefted for that evil, which, it is hoped, the 
wifdom of Parliament may adopt- The importation 
of foreign colony produce is as ilrictly prohibited 
in Ireland as here ; and the revenue bufinefs is 
conduced with as much ability and attention there 
as in this, or probably in any other country : why 
then are we to apprehend the introduction of fo- 
reign fugars from thence, when it is quite as much 
their interest to prevent fraudulent importation of 
fuch produce as it is ours ? 

If however any man can poffibly Hill fuppofe, 
after all that has been faid, that there is a danger 
of foreign fugar being clandeflinely introduced 
into Ireland ; let him confider what a home con- 
fumptioiij beHdes the chance of a foreign export* 
they have to fmuggle for, before they can find 
an advantage in fending them to this country ; 
and then he mult cenfefs we can have nothing to 
apprehend on that fcore, even in ages to come. 

It has been argued by two late Miniiters, now 
happily united in their ientiments, that the moil 
dangerous part of the whole fyftexn is the entruit- 

C 4 incr 



( 28 ) 

ing the care of the Navigation Laws to the Irifh, 
who, they fay, will be inattentive in the execution 
of them, and will even countenance perpetual 
violations of them. If there is any thing in the 
argument, it comes very ill from them, who, by 
the acts of the 20th G. III. c. 10. and the 2 2d 
G. III. c. 52 . put much more in the power of 
the Irifh, with refpedt to the general navigation 
of the empire, than is now propofed : the firft act 
left the trade between Africa and America, and 
Ireland, entirely under the care of the revenue of- 
ficers there, which before that was dependent 
upon this country ; and the laft-mentioned a6t 
made Ireland perfectly independent of all our 
laws in regulating her trade with every foreign 
country. No proof has ever been offered of the 
relaxation of the Cuftom-houfe laws in Ireland ; 
and very little was hazarded in the preceding af- 
fertion, that they are quite as well executed there 
as here. 

There remains then nothing more in this part of 
the fyftem to take notice of, bat the arguments of 
the Irifh being able to navigate cheaper than this 
country, on account of the low prices of proviiions 
there ; the aniwer to which is, that they are to be 

bought 



( 29 ) 

bought in London in fufficient quantities to visual 
merchant {hips, cheaper even than in the Irifh 
ports. But fuppofing fmall parcels of provifions to 
be bought fo much cheaper at Cork or Waterford 
than in London, as whole cargoes may, a (hip of 
300 tons, carrying 20 men, would then be victualled 
for a nine months voyage to the Weft Indies for 40 
or 50 (hillings lefs at thofe ports than here. It will 
not, however, be denied, that even in that cafe the 
other articles required in the out-fit of a fhip will 
be procured here to fo much better an advantage 
than in Ireland, as to counterbalance the difference 
in the prices of provifions. 

Thefe are the reafons which have induced one 
who has confidered the fubject long and attentive- 
ly to be perfuaded that the fears and prejudices 
of thofe who imagine, that the propofed arrange- 
ment will enable Ireland to underfell Great Bri- 
tain, are without foundation ; that fuch conceffion 
can make no difference in any article of the pro- 
duce of Europe ; that its operation muft be con- 
fined to the produce of Africa and America ; that 
it can make no alteration in the direct trade which 
Ireland may now carry on between the Colonies 
'and Great Britain, with every advantage (he will 
have after fuch conceffion; that the only thing (he 

will 



( 30 ) 

Will gain, will be a liberty of fending die produce 
of the Colonies into Great Britain by a circuitous 
way, and loaded with much greater expence than 
fiie can now fend them ; and that of courfe fuch 
liberty cannot give her a better opportunity than 
fhe has at prefent, of underfelling Great Britain in 
her own market in thefe articles. With refpe£t to 
the markets of the reil of the world, no alterarion 
is made ; that point will remain jull where it did. 

It is impoffible to difmifs the fubjecr. of the Na- 
vigation Act without remarking, that under that 
Aft Ireland was on the fame footing with England. 
Sub fequent laws, paffed foon after, impofed the 
frrft reftraints-on her, which are accounted for 
by contemporary writers, as originating in a jea- 
Joufy of the growing power of the then Duke of 
Ormond. Others have fince been added from a nar- 
row policy ; but it will furely be wife to remove 
the whole, when it can be proved to demonftration, 
that this country cannot fuffer materially by fo 
doing. 

The Trifti have indeed always contended, that 
the fame interpretation fliould be had of the Na- 
vigation Adl: in both countries ; and have infilled 

upon 



( If ) 

wpon that more earneftly fmce the palling of Mr* 
Yelvertoms Aft in 1782, which provides, that no 
Britifh Afts ihall be of force in Ireland, but fuch 
as impofe equal reftraints, and give equal advan. 
tages to both kingdoms ; but that point is not here, 
infilled on, becaufe it is wifhed the prefent propo- 
fals for a final fettiemem (houid ftaiid or fall 
according to their, own merits. 

The fecond part of this fyftem relates to articles 
Which are the native growth, produce', or manufac- 
ture of Great Britain or Ireland ; and it is defired 
by Ireland, that fhe may have a liberty of export- 
ing to Great Britain every fpecies of fuch goods 
which Great Britain can export to Ireland, and 
Upon the fame terms. 

At this day every fpecies of goods and manufac* 
tures, whether the produce of Great Britain or 
feny other part of Europe, or of Afia, Africa, or 
America, which can be legally brought into Great 
Britain, or by her laws be exported from thence, 
may, by the laws of Ireland, be imported into 
that kingdom ; and fuch has been the attention 
of Ireland to Great Britain, that wherever me has 
laid heayy duties upon any article, which could he 

produced 



( SI ) 

produced in Great Britain, flie has almoft always 
excepted from thofe duties fuch articles, if the 
produce or manufacture of this country. But the 
fame conduct has not been purfued here, for 
there are fome ipecies of goods, the manufacture 
of Ireland, which are actually prohibited from be- 
ing imported into this country, and other fpecies 
which are virtually prohibited by heavy duties. 

Let us therefore confider, how a mutual inter- 
courfe may be eftablifhed, upon a footing of equa- 
lity ; and what injury is to be expected therefrom 
to England. 

The goods, &c. now prohibited to be brought 
from Ireland are, befides the produce of -Africa 
and America, already taken notice of in the firft 
part, certain manufactures of Ireland. 

The way to put things upon an equal footing 
is, firft, to explain the Navigation Act to mean the 
fame in both countries, notwithftanding fubfe- 
quent laws in either country impofing reftraints on 
Ireland ; to take away all prohibitions in both coun- 
tries, and to eftablifh equal duties and drawbacks 
upon the fame articles in each, except where an 
* 4 excife 



( 33 ) 

cxcife or other internal duty exifts upon any arti- 
cle in either country; in which cafe an additional 
import duty, equal to the excife, fhouldbeim- 
pofed upon fuch article. 

The terms of equality as to duties may be fet- 
tled either by importing reciprocally without any 
duties, or by payment of the duties now payable 
in Great Britain, or by payment of thofe now pay- 
able in Ireland, or of fuch equal and reafonable 
duties as may be fettled on each article ; or a ge- 
neral principle may be adopted, by reducing the 
duties in each country to the lower! duty payable 
upon each article in either country, except in the 
cafe above excepted. 

This laffc is the mode propofed, and appears to 
be the faireft of all. 

The importing without duties would not anfwer, 
becaufe it would deflroy a very large proportion 
of the Irifh revenue, and would check the pro. 
grefs of the infant manufactures, as well as en- 
danger the removal of fome of the more eftablifhed 
ones, in both countries ; nor would the import- 
ing invariably, either upon the Englifh or the 

Irifh 



( 34 ) 

friih duties, anfwer, bee aufe what would fuitthe one 
country, might not the other; but each kingdom 
mutually encouraging the manufactures of the 
other, by importing them at the lowed duties, 
confident with the exigence of them in the weaker 
country, appears to be the moft conciliating and 
the faireft principle that can be adopted ; for it 
appears that fuch duty will be in general about 
^10 per cent. ; and it feems to be unwife in either 
country, to apply their capital and their induflry 
to any manufacture, which, when brought to per- 
fection, can be underfold to the other, paying a 
duty of £10 per cent, fubject to the various ex- 
pences which muft neceilarily occur in the fend- 
ing fuch manufactures to market from the one 
country to the other, becaufe the fame quantity of 
labour, indunxy, and capital, applied to fome 
other manufacture, would produce more profit, 
England and Ireland ought to be confidered in, 
this refpect as two diitinct parts of the fame 
kingdom ; it would be unwife in London to at- 
tempt a manufacture which York cpuld underfell 
her in by £10 per cent, in her own market ; why 
then Should England or ^relajid attempt fuch a 
thing ? 

This 



K 35 ) 

This being the intention of the fecond patt o£ 
the fyftem, let us fee how it may affect Great Bri- 
tain ; and this will beft appear from a confidera- 
tion of the articles now prohibited. Upon the ex- 
tent of this lift, and the nature of the articles of 
which it confifts, depends the whole of this 
queftion. 

There are three fpecies of prohibition now ex- 
ifting : the firft is that which arifes from the con- 
ftru&ion of the Navigation Ad: ; the fecond arif- 
ing from actual prohibitions laid upon particular 
articles of manufacture ; and the third, virtual 
prohibitions upon certain articles by means of 
heavy duties. 

The firft have been already difcufled. 

The articles prohibited by law to be imported 
from Ireland are, 

Wrought filks. 

Silk ftockings. 

Silk gloves and mitts. 

Leather gloves. 

Lace, fringe, and embroider^. 

Works of copper or brafs. 

The 



( 3* ) 

The produce and manufactures of Ireland vir- 
tually prohibited by duties, are, 
All manner of woollen cloth. 
Stuffs of all forts* made of, or mixed with 

wool. 
Sugars refined. 
Beer of all forts. • 
Cotton manufactures. 
Linen and cotton mixed. 
Linen printed. 
Cotton {lockings. 
Thread ftockings. 
Hops. 

Leather manufactures. 
Candles of tallow. 
Starch, and 
Soap. 

The only article of any confequence in the firfl 
fpecies is filks, one in which, it is apprehended, 
England cannot be in much danger from the ri- 
tallhip of Ireland. 

The price of labour in this manufa&ure bears 
fo fmali si proportion to the firlt colt of the raw 

materials, 



( 37 ) 

materials, that whoever has the raw material 
cheapeft, will have the advantage. England has 
a Levant trade, which Ireland has not, and has 
the monopoly of India fllk, infomuch that Ireland 
now takes her raw (ilk almoft entirely from Eng- 
land. 

In Ireland the great bulk of the filk manufac- 
tured is made into plain flight goods, handker- 
chiefs, filks for cloaks, luteftrings, &c. and in 
thofe kind of goods, the labour bears a propor- 
tion of one in eight to the raw material ; and in 
the flnefl: kinds there made, fuch as damafks, flow- 
ered filk, &c. three to eight; (o that the argu- 
ment which is relied on in other cafes, viz. the 
danger to England from the cheapnefs of labour 
in Ireland, will not hold good in the filk manu- 
failure. 

The flrft article which prefents itfelf in the 
third fpecies is the Woollen manufa&ure, the great 
e of jealoufy in this country *• 

It 

* Mr. Burke, in 1779, faid, it was for the intereft of 
Great Britain to throw open even the woollen trade to Ire. 

D land ; 



( ss ) 

it would be too tedious to enter into a full ift* 
veftigation of all that relates to it here. The report 
from the committee of Privy Council, prefented to 
the Houfe of Commons, contains a complete ftate- 
ment of it as far as Lngland is concerned ; it will 
from thence evidently appear, that this country 
has no reafon to fear, or be jealous of Ireland, in 
refpecl to the Woollen manufacture. Let us, there- 
fore, confider the flate of it in Ireland; the quan- 
tity of wool there, is for various caufes^ but par- 
ticularly owing to the great increafe of inhabit 
tants, and improvement of the country, fo de- 
ereafed, that ihe has not now wool enough of her 
own to fupply her own market ; if, therefore, ihe 
fliould export any part of her wool manufactured 
into fuch goods as ihe may be able to work up 
cheaper than England, the confequence mn ft be, 
that ihe mull import an equal quantity of finer 
wool leu goods to fupply their place, which fhe 
can import only from Great Britain. 

In considering this fubjedt it mult be always 
recollecled, that the Woollen trade is one that 

land ; and if it was not done now voluntarily, the French 
would loon oblige us to do it. 

Parliamentary Debates, 1779, vol. XII. p, 178. 

limits 



( 39 ) 

limits itfclf ; that there is a certain line beyond 
which there is a natural impofiibility of going; 
viz. the quantity of Wool which is grown* 

To fee how this ftands, we need only obferve, 
that all the wool grown in Ireland is either con- 
famed at home, or exported either raw, or in fome 
ftage of manufacture. That which is confumed 
at home is out of the quefiion. 

The quantity of raw wool exported from Ireland 
in two years was, in 





Stone. 


lbs. 


1782 


2965 


*4 


1783 


2063 


10 


Of worded yarn or \ 1 782 
bay yarn J 1 7 ^ J 


§3,821 


8 


66,677 




The quantity of old 1 


Yards. 




drapery imported > 178 2 


362,824 




into Ireland* J 1 783 


371,871 




And of new drapery 1782 


547>336 




1783 


420,4.15 





Now, if the whole of the raw wool and bay 
yarn exported from Ireland was manufactured into 
ultimate perfection, it would not fupply the c'ttan- 

D % tity 



( 40 ) 

tity imported; fo that if Ireland fliould export 
more of her wool completely manufactured than 
fhe does at prefent, fhe mud alfo import a greater 
quantity of woollen manufactures from England 
to fupply fuch export. 

It muft likewife be obferved, that all the cloath- 
ing wool of Ireland is worked up at home, and 
confumed there; and yet fhe imports 375,871 
yards of old drapery from England : lhe therefore 
cannot decreafe in this import ; becaufe, if (he ex- 
ports any of that which lhe now con fumes of her 
own, lhe muft increafe, and not decreafe, her 
importation. All therefore that fhe could do would 
be to work up her own wool and bay yarn, which 
fhe now exports, and by that means leffen the 
quantity of fuch fpecics of woollens as that can 
be worked up into : but as all the cloathing wool 
grown is already worked up into old drapery, that 
which is exported could only be made into new 
drapery; the lofs to England would therefore be 
in the new drapery, which is the cheap fluffs », 
and the valuable part of the trade, which is the 
old drapery, would ftill remain to her. By flaring 
that the valuable part would remain, it is in- 
tended only to exprcis that the old drapery is 

more 



( 4« ) 

more valuable than the new •, the old drapery be- 
ing valued at 14s. the other about 2s. 6d. Confe- 
quently 371,871 yards of old drapery is of more 
value than 420,415 yards of new. 

The following accompts will mew how the 
proportional confumption of Irim wool has in- 
creafed at home, fo as to leffen the export and in- 
creafe the import of manufactures, ot^ferving only 
that the average is four years, and the periods are 
thofe when there happened any material change. 

An accompt of the quantity of wool and wool- 
len and bay yarn exported from Ireland, on an 
average of four years to 1778, and in every 
year fince. 





Years. 


Stones at 1 81b. 


Average on 4 years to - 


1703 


- 


361,491 


ditto to - 


1714 


- 


*%3>79S 


ditto to - 


1729 


- 


i3 2 >39 8 


ditto to - 


1778 


- 


102,33d 


Export in year ending - 


1779 


- 


104,817 


- 


1780 


- 


87,045 


- 


1781 


- 


82,961 


- 


1782 


- 


86,786 


- 


1783 


- 


68,740 


Ps 






From 



( 4* ) 

From this account it appears, that the expor" 
of wool and woollen and bay yarn has been 
gradually decreafing from the beginning of the 
century, and that it is now reduced from 36^491 
(tone, to 68740. It remains then only to ftate 
accounts, to (hew that the Irifh importation of the 
woollen manufacture has increafed as fail as its ex- 
portation of the raw material has decreafed. 

An account of the quantity of old and new drapery 
on the fame averages, and at the fame periods. 

Average on old drap. new drap. 

4 years ending 1703 - 15,490 - ,17,821 

ditto - - 1714 - 10,927 - 25,719 

ditto - - 1729 - 24,855 - 47,846 

ditto . - 1778 - 33 2 >7$° - 6 53>%35 
Import in the 

years ending 1779 - 176,196 - 270,837 

i;8q - 64,346 - 159,428 

1781 - 326,578 - 433,198 

1782 - 362,824 - 547.S3 6 

1783 - 37 1 ^ 8 7? " 420,415 

Thefe accounts prove, that as the export of 

Ireland decreafed^ the import increafed; which 

2 certainly 



( 43 ) 

certainly afcertains either the great increafe of 
home confumption, and the decreafe of wool, or, 
at lead, that the quantity of wool did not increafe 
in the fame proportion that the number of inha- 
bitants and the confumption dich 

If it fhould be urged, that, the Hate here given 
fhews clearly the advantage which Great Britain 
has reaped from the prefent fyftem, and the dan- 
ger of changing it ; let it be considered, as a truth 
very generally admitted, that Ireland will find an 
infinite difficulty in increailng the breed of her 
{heep, from which, and the before- going flate- 
ments, it is evident, that little is to be feared by 
England on account of the rivalfhip arifing from 
the manufacture of the native Irifh wool. 

It may be allied, if Ireland cannot import 
Spanim. wool on as eafy terms as England, and as 
labour is to be had fo much lower there than in 
England ; whether (he cannot work it fo much 
cheaper, as to rival England in that branch of the 
manufacture which depends upon Spanifli wool ? 

The anfwer to which is, that Ireland has not 
been able, with all the encouragements which 
have been given to the manufactures, to get for- 

D 4 ward 



C 44 ) 

Ward in this branch of the woollen trade, (o that, 
inltead of rivalling England in a foreign market, 
Ihe has not been able to keep her ground in her 
own. 

The Dublin Society, in the year 1772, eftabliftied 
a woollen warehoufe in Dublin, to which they gave 
the benefit of a retail trade, and paid for it all ex- 
pellees of houfe-renr, fhopkeepers, &c. the pro- 
prietors of the cloth felling for ready money only. 
No greater encouragement could well be given to 
any infant trade, and it has been perfevered in for 
12 years, during which time the fales have been 
o. parts in 10 of fuperfine cloths ; and yet the im- 
portation of Spanifh wool has not increafed beyond 
what it was 40 or 50 years ago, as will appear 
from the following account of the quantity of 
Spanifh wool imported into Ireland, upon an average 
of 1 1 years, to the following periods. 

Cwt. 

Average upon 1 1 years ending 1739 461. 

Do. 1750 523. 

Do. 1761 443. 

Do. 1772 330. 

Do, 1783 476. 

1 The 



( 45 ) 



The average of i 1 years is taken, becaufe that 
was the full period of the exiftence of the en- 
couragement of the Dublin Society, for which the 
public accounts of import cpuld be had. 

* From this account it will appear, that the very 
great encouragement given in the laft period of n 
years has not been able to increafe, much lefs 
eftablifh that trade; for the quantity of Spanifh 
wool imported between 40 and 50 years ago was 
equal to, and between 30 and 40 years ago fuperior 
to, the quantity now imported ; and were it not 
for the agreement for the non-importation from 
England, which took place in Ireland in the end of 
the year 1779, the laft period would have fallen far 
fhort of any of the others. This agreement caufed 
fpecuiations to be made, and in confequence the 
importation in the two following years greatly ex* 
ceeded the common average, and then fell again in 
the two fucceeding years greatly below it; to (hew 
which, the following account of the import of 
Spanifh wool into Ireland in the following years 
will be fatisfa&ory. 



In 



( 46 ) 





Cwt. 


In the year 1780 


95 2 


1781 


1716 


1782 


76 


17*3 


262 



Even of this quantity imported upon {peculation, 
there was exported to England, as appears by our 
Cufton.-houfe books, in the year 

Cwt. 

1780 156 

1781 673 

1782 12 

1783 6 

Great Britain has very considerable advantages 
over Ireland in this branch of the woollen manu- 
facture; for, befides the circumftance of Spanifh 
wool being much cheaper here than in Ireland*, 
there is a considerable quantity of Englifli wool, 

* The prefent price there is understood to be more than 

four millings a pound for the beft ; the prices here are 

two millings and thre6 pence, to three millings and nine 
pence: nine-tenths of the quantity ufed in this country is of 
2 fort which fells from three millings and two pence to three 
ihiilings and nine pence. 

the 



( 47 ) 

the growth of Herefordfhire and Suffex, that is 
nearly equal to, or anfwers to be mixed with,SpanHh 
wool ; the Herefordfhire wool, which is the beft, 
fells at, from 2s. 4d. to %$* 6d. a pound ; the 
wools of the South Downs in Suffex, which are 
the next in degree, and are mixed with Spanifh, 
fell from is. 8d. to 2s. a pound. This circumflance 
alone would give a decided advantage to England 
in the manufacture of fine cloths. Befides, the wools 
of Shropshire, Surrey, part of Somerfetfhire, and 
fome of the fine foreft wools in various parts of 
this kingdom, which are nearly equal in quality 
to the SulTex, fell for about is. 8d. a pound, and 
anfwer to mix with Spaniih wool for the fecond* 
priced fine cloths. There are alfo feveral other 
places which produce fine wools in England ; 
whereas there is not a iione of wool grows in 
Ireland which will anfwer the purpofe of making 
cloths worth more than eight (hillings a yard. And 
it is to be further confidered, that the materials for 
dyeing, which are the produce of the Eafl Indies, 
the Brazils, Africa, and the Weft Indies, are at 
£refent, and are likely to continue, cheaper here 
than in Ireland. 

From 



( 4« ) 

From thefe circumftances, it may be judged 
how far England has reafon to be jealous of Ire- 
land in this branch of trade, or indeed how far 
it is worth the while of Ireland to purfue this 
manufacture, by turning her fmall capital to a 
trade, the firft material of which is foreign, and is 
in value more than 60/. per cent, of the manu- 
facture. A yard of broad cloth requires two pounds 
and a half of Spanifh wool, which is now 4s. per 
pound in Ireland, that is 10s. for the wool a 
yard, which yard, to find fale in a foreign market, 
muft be fold for 16 s. ; and for the payment of 
even this fum, time muft be given, fo that it would 
be twelve months before a return would be made. 
She would indeed have other rivals to contend 
with in foreign markets for this branch of trade ; 
with the Dutch, who have money at 3 /. per cent. ; 
with the Flemings, who have it at 4/.; with the 
French, who have labour in their Southern Pro- 
vinces as cheap as Ireland, and who, as well as 
the Dutch, have wool and oil cheaper than fhe 
can have them ; in many parts of which coun- 
tries, the manufacture ftill exifts. 



la 



( 49 ) 

It would have been fnperfluous to have enlarged 
fo much upon the woollen branch, if the examina- 
tion before the Privy Council had a chance of be- 
ing univerfally read, becaufe the manufacturers 
themfelves exprefs hardly any apprehenfions. Thofe 
who fpoke with the leaft certainty of there being 
nothing to fear from Ireland, clofed their evi- 
dence with the following anfwer to a queflion 
about being rivalled by that country ; " At pre- 
" fent we fhould not fear a competition. We 
" cannot fpeak to futurity, but we hope the Eng- 
" lifh manufacturer will have too much libera- 
* lity of fentiment, to wim to deprive the Irifh 
" of any fair and equal advantage, in working up 
" their own materials, arifing from their ikill and 
u induitry. ,, This is ftated in their own words, to 
do juftice to fo generous a feeling. The fame fpirit 
has been discoverable in different degrees, in the 
evidence given by other manufacturers. The ob- 
fervation made by Dr. Adam Smith, refpecting 
the avidity of our great manufacturers, has not 
been j uftified by the prefent inquiry. The Doctor 
is as little inclined as moft writers, to impute im- 
proper motives to others ; but it is certain that 
rhofe who know the Rritifh manufacturers belt, 

will 



( So ) 

tviil not accufe them of felfifh motives, Of natriw 
prejudices. 

Refined fugar is the next on the lift. The raw 
material being the produce of the Weft Indies, 
obfervation has been already made on what oc- 
curred refpecling it ; it is neceflary only to add, 
that while Ireland imported Raw Sugar at is. 8d. 
a hundred, and England at 5 s, 6d. Ihe was able 
to fupply a confiderable part of the confumption 
of Ireland in refined fugar, and to underfell her in 
her own market, after paying the expences of the 
carriage to Ireland, and a duty of 12 s. per hun- 
dred. How then is Ireland to fend refined fugar 
to England, when fhe pays a duty now equal to 
that paid in England upon the raw material, and 
certainly buys it at as high if not an higher price? 
The Irifh duty, however, on that article, which 
will probably regulate the future duty here, rauft, 
in any event, afford fufficient protection to the Re- 
finers here, even againft foreign fugars manufac- 
tured in the country. 

With refpecl: to beer, Ireland cannot contend 
with England. She imports an eighth of her con- 
fumption from England ; and, to make her heft 

malt 



( 5* ) 

malt liquors, fhe has imported yearly, Upon at! 
average of the laft feven years, 38,539 quarters of 
malt, and 17,145 hundred weight of hops. She 
cannot then, furely, contend with England in a 
manufacture, the raw materials of which me im- 
ports from her, and one of which fhe always muft 
continue to do *. For hops, Ireland muft depend 
upon us : fhe cannot grow them ; nor has me a pro- 
per climate for faving them : the feafon for pick- 
ing them is generally rainy there; and they have 
no wood for poles. 

The cotton manufacture, including cotton, and 
linen mixed with cotton, and cotton ftockings, 
has been ftated as an important one. 

This is in its infancy in Ireland, and it is difficult 
to fay much concerning it. 

It has been argued, that as Ireland can have the 
raw material upon the fame terms as England, and 
has labour fo much cheaper, fhe will probably be 
able to under-fell England even in her own market. 

* Irifli malt muft ever be inferior to English, on account of 
the wet feafon:-. 

Ireknol 



( 5* ) 

Ireland can certainly get any quantity of cotton ; 
but whether on the fame terms as England has not 
been afcertained, on account of the prices having 
fluctuated fo much. It muft be confefTed, that in 
general, labour is cheaper in Irejand than in Eng- 
land ; but it does not follow from thence, that any 
manufacture can be carried through its feveral gra- 
dations to perfection cheaper in Ireland than in 
England; for although labour may be cheaper in 
fome part of the procefs, it is adtually dearer in 
others. In many inftances, the rude part of the 
procefs is certainly cheaper in Ireland, but the 
finer parts, and whatever depends on art or ma- 
chinery, is cheaper in England. The progrefs of 
the woollen manufacture is a ftriking inftance of 
this, for raw wool is much higher in price in Ireland 
than in England, owing to the high price and great 
demand for her bay-yarn here, becaufe the labour 
of the fpinner, and the price of the wool in Ire- 
land, added together, is not fo high as in Eng- 
land * ; large quantities of bay-yarn are therefore 

* This is accounted for by the Irifh yarn being particularly 
adapted for the warp of certain manufactures to mix with 
Englifh yarn, and that Ireland cannot get Englifh yarn for 
their weft, as well as by the fpinning being done by perfons 
in Ireland, who could earn nothing in any other way, and are 
content with very trifling gains. 

fent 



C 53 > 

fent over from Ireland, and fold for more money 
than it would produce at home. This yarn is load- 
ed with heavy expences ; it is fpun in various parts 
of Ireland, from whence it is carried to Dublin and 
Cork by land-carriage ; it is charged there with 
ftorage, package, commiflion to the exporter, poll- 
charges, cuftom-houfe fees, infurance, freights, 
and four-pence a ftone for licence of exportation : 
Upon its landing in England, it has mofl of thofe 
charges to pay a fecond time ; a new carriage to 
Manchefter, to Yorkshire, to Norwich, or where- 
ever it is to be worked up; when manufactured, 
it muft pay a third carriage to Ireland, with 
freight, commiflion, fiorage, port-charges, fees, 
poftage, infurance, &c. with an impoft duty there 
of fix-pence a yard upon old, and two-pence a yard 
upon new drapery, with an addition of 5 1. per cent. 
on that import : And yet, with all thofe expences, 
England underfells Ireland, in her own market, 
in thofe articles manufactured with her own yarn; 
which fhews, to a demonftration, that in fome fleps 
of the procefs, by fome means, England manufac- 
tures much cheaper than Ireland. 



If 



( 54 ) 

If it is feared that Ireland will underfell Great 
Britain in her own market, it mud be obferved irj 
anfwer, that of the various fpecies of articles made 
of cotton, none are rated but fuftians, janes, mil? 
lians, and bar millians ; of thefe only the two firft 
are now known : that all other fpepies are new in- 
ventions fince the A&s of Cuftoms and Excife, and 
mull pay 10/. per cent, upon their real value, with 
the expence of conveyance from Ireland. With re- 
fpeft to the Weft Indian and African markets, 
they are already open to the cotton manufactures 
pf Ireland, 

The printing branch, either of cottofr or linens^ 
can be in no great danger, becaufe the duty of 
jo/, per cent, ad valorem, in addition to the one for 
equalizing our Excife duties, will afford a fufR- 
cient protection. 

In the manufacturing of leathers, Ireland labors 
under many difadyantages. She ufes foreign bark 
in tanning, at a great expence ; (he pays, however, 
no Excife on the article, and her workmens wages 
are lower than here : but what is defired is only 
the liberty of feeding this manufacture into Great 

Britain, 



( 55 ) 

Britain, sis (he can now fend it every where, elfe : 
and in coming here it muft pay an import duty, 
Derides one equal to our Excife, which muft af- 
ford a fufheient fectirity, $hen the high charges 
of tanning are confidered. 

Starch cannot be manufactured fb cheap in Ire- 
land as in England : the raw material is dearer* 
and Ireland has no advantage. 

Tallow ufed in making candles and foap is Cet* 
iainly cheaper in Ireland than here; but our ma- 
nufacturers can and do now impcrt much of that 
raw material ;■ and duties equal to cur Excife will 
be impofed upon the importation cf the articles 
themfelves. 

Iron is ah important branch of the manufactures 
of this country -, the duty on the importation of the 
raw materials into Great Britain is 2I. J 6s. per ton, 
and into Ireland only 10s; Irifh •, which occafioned a 
Stipulation with the Irifh, when they were admitted 
to a direcl: trade with the Colonies, more than five 
^ears ago, that they fhould impofe a duty of 3I- 
3s; 1 id. per ton, on all manufactured iron ex. 

E 2 ported 



C 56 ) 

ported to thofe Colonies. They have fince com* 
plained of this as unequal, aliedging that mueh of 
the iron manufactures, fent to the Colonies from 
this country, is made of native iron, paying no duty. 
The Irifh have, however, iron-ore alfo of their 
own : it will therefore be necerTary they fhould in- 
ereafe the duty on the importation of iron, to the 
feme rate as the Britifh, or equalizing duties mud 
be impofed on Irifh-manufac~tured iron imported 
into this country. 

With regard to corn, and other grain, Ireland 
defires nothing more than the reciprocal preference 
given by her to Great Britain by the Ad: of the 
lafl feflidn there. The fourth Refolution does not 
affedt the queftion ; the point muil be arranged, 
therefore; feparately. If the prices Hated in the 
above-mentioned Ad: are not found advifeable for 
this country to adopt, there can be no difficulty 
in altering them. 

Wfe have have thus gone through the feveral 

articles moll likely to be immediately affected by 

the Rcfolutions if adopted in both countries : 

thofe who wiih for more particular information re- 

5 fpefting 



( 57 ) 

fpe&ing the poffible efFedt they may have on fe* 
veral branches of our manufactures not enumerated 
here, mult be referred to the Report of the Com- 
mittee of Council, and the examinations of the 
manufacturers themfelves annexed thereto. It re- 
mains, therefore, only to obferve, that, in return 
for the equality of trade, Ireland not only agrees 
to fecure to this country a monopoly of confump- 
tion, but to affift us in fupporting the general ex- 
pence of the empire ; by applying the furplus of 
her hereditary revenue, above its prefent produce, 
to naval fervices, the particulars of which may be 
afcertained and fixed by the bill to be parTed in 
that country for appropriating it. The ilighteft 
attention to the articles which compofe that re- 
venue will fhew, that it is utterly impoffible for 
the trade, manufactures, or population of Ireland 
to increafe, without a proportional augmentation 
of that revenue in particular. The two countries 
will then, under the propofed fyftem, be united in 
the ftrongeft bonds of mutual advantage : they 
will hereafter have one common intereft ; and all 
ground of future difputes, jealoufies, and animofl- 
ties, will be prevented. The Refolutions are fuch 
as Great Britain may agree to confiften't with her 

honour, 



( 58 1 

honour, and with perfect fafety to the interc'ft of 
both kingdoms. Let us not then, by denying td 
accede to them, drive Ireland into acls of 
violence, and lay ourfelves under the neceffity 
of adopting meafures which may perhaps ultimate- 
ly terminate not in a nominal, but an actual repa- 
ration, of both kingdoms, by forcing them intd 
different interefts, as rivals and competitors for the 
advantages to be derived from trade and commerce, 
which will be fo much better fecured to us by a 
free and liberal intercourfe. 

It is a duty every man owes his country, to look 
attentively and ferioufly to our prefent fituation. 
A former Minifter, in opening his pfopofition re- 
fpe&ing the Colony trade with Ireland, ftatedy 
what he will not now deny, u that as xhefuperlu- 
u cration of all the commerce with Ireland, let 

* it arife from the profit of which branch of trade 
" it might, would neceffarily center in the feat of 

* empire ; if not the whole, at leaf! much the 
" greater part * and might well be eflimated as 
fi forming a part of the accumulating wealth of 

* Great Britain." 

F I N I S« 



REPLY 



TO THE 

TREASURY PAMPHLET, 

ENT1 TLED 

"THE PROPOSED 

"SYSTEM OF TRADE 

" WITH 

"IRELAND 

"EXPLAINE D." 



LONDON: 

Printed for J. DEBRETT, oppofite Burlington Houfe, Piccadilly. 

M.DCC.LXXXV. 



E P L Y 



TO fHi 



TREASURY PAMPHLET. 



IT is among the misfortunes of the prefent times- 
that every attempt to convey information on public 
fubjefts is attributed to fa&ious motives and the 
defigns of party; One would imagine that the 
nation could have no common concern in the ma- 
nagement of its own affairs ; or that the people 
could feel no other wife iriterefted in the conduct of 
Government than as their private partialities lead 
them individually to favour the different parties 
who are fuppofed to be engaged in a conteft for 
A z office. 



C 4 ] 

office. The public mind is poifoned by the artful 
infinuations of designing men, whofe ambitious 
views are promoted by encouraging this deception. 
It has imbibed, almoft univerfally, an undiftin- 
guifhing diflrufl of all political inquiry or invefti- 
gation, to the total neglect of our neareft interefts. 

When the important queftion, which is the 
fubject of the pamphlet before me, firft attracted 
the attention of the public, the advifers of the 
meafure eagerly availed themfelves of a prejudice 
fo fatally prevalent. This imputation of faction 
held the place, with them, of all other arguments. 
It had been too ferviceable to them on former occa- 
iions, and the recollection of their fuccefs was too 
frefh in their minds not, at leaft, to try its effects 
before they fhould be driven into other expedients 
for defence. 

The event might, probably, have proved equally 
favourable to their expectations, as on the occafions 
alluded to, if the queflion had been open to equal 
mifreprefentation, and had been equally placed be- 
yond the reach of general apprehenfion. But it came 
too near to the feelings of individuals, and affected 
in its confequences the interefts of too large a clafs of 
the community, to anfwer the fame ends. The public 
voice became, in a fhort time, too loud to be flighted 
with fafety. The regulations were gradually cleared 
of that bfidiousobfeurity in which they had been de- 

fignedly 



( 5] , 

fcgnedly involved. Every day's inquiry difcovered 
frelh fubjects of doubts and apprehenfions, and, in 
proportion as the fyflem was impartially difcufled 
by commercial men, the ruin which it foreboded 
to the trade, manufactures, and revenue of Great 
Britain, became more manifeft, and was felt more 
univerfally. 

It, therefore, became necefTary to give fome more 
plaufible anfwer to the objections that multiplied 
from every quarter, than that they only exified in the 
clamours and inflammatory publications of factious 
incendiaries, whofe only object was to throw diffi- 
culties in the way of Government. But in yielding 
to this neceflity, we flill find the fupporters of the 
fyflem acting in character. They have only ad- 
vanced a flep farther in their own way. Under the 
pretext of informing, they are trying to mijlead and 
deceive and the prefs teems with infidious and de- 
lufory publications, which they difperfe gratuitoufly 
through every part of the united kingdoms. 

The perfons employed in thefe publications 
are of various defcriptions and of various talents. 
They are chiefly thofe who, following the fleps of 
their employers, at however humble a diflance, and 
having experienced in common with them the 
happy effects of public deluiion, willingly per- 
fuade themfelves that there is no other way to 
fecure the enjoyment of their acquifitions, but by- 
continuing the practices that led to them. Attach- 



ing 



E 6 ] 

ing all their hopes of retaining the power and emo- 
luments of office to the fuccefs of the meafure, it 
is natural that they fhould labour to defend it with 
all earneflnefs and zeal, and that while, molt pro- 
bably, they execrate in private the ralhnefs and 
precipitancy of the Minifter, who has brought 
that power and thofe emoluments into danger by 
rifquing the meafure, they ihould employ all their 
little fhare of abilities in endeavouring to fupport 
him againft the ebbing of the popular tide. 

Their object is to difperfe and propagate amongft 
the people whatever their induftry can colled:, or 
their talents comprehend in the new ' fyflem, that 
may explain away its evil tendency. They have 
inftru&ions to fweep from the tables of office all 
the mutilated documents with which it fuited the 
purpofes of the moment to load them ; and they 
are plentifully fupplied with artful gloflaries and 
fpecious practical obfervations by thofe political 
traders, the mpft lucrative branch of whofe com- 
merce is carried on in the Minifter's anti-chamber* 
By thefe means their productions aflume an ap- 
pearance of induftry and fkilful inveftigation. — 
They impofe upon the ignorant, and thofe who 
wifh to be impofed on ; and in proportion as they 
fwell into fize, they are difperfed and puffed abroad 
as inexhauftible * magazines of authentic information 

and 

* In advertifmg this pamphlet, the public were defired to attend t© 
it, a« the information it contained was authentic, and to be depended 

on* 



[ 7 3 

and conclufive arguments to be retained to the public, 
as alone entitled to credit and attention. 

On the lift of thefe publications, the pamphlet 
now before me, holds the molt diftinguifhed place. 
Infinite pains have been taken to let the public 
know to whofe pen they are indebted for the la- 
borious production : but, in my opinion, the per- 
fons who have been employed in propagating this 
intelligence, have fpent their time and their labour 
very fuperfluouily. The work itfelf fufficiently 
fpeaks the fchool from whence it originated. — 
However, by publicly declaring the author, a fpe- 
cies of cruelty has been committed, of which the 
pamphlet, without that difcovery, would have ever 
remained innocent. The dull talk of giving it an 
anfwer mult be undertaken, left thole who are 
impofed on by names and lituations Ihould con- 
clude, that the information of a Secretary of the 
Treafury mult be authentic — Befides, as it is 
now known to be the work of a writer who is fup- 
pofed to be the confidential affiftant of the Minifter, 
in all matters of trade as well as of finance, we are 
to conlider the production as containing the abftract 
and effenice of all that has been 'collected and di- 
gefted, with a view to the prefent arrangement. — - 
From thefe pages we are to colled: all the original 
information, all the primary documents, all the 

on. It has been difperfed gratis by the Treafury all over the king- 
dom, and extraas from it have been mferted in all the minifterial 
papers. 

lights, 



( .« ] 

lights, fatisfacftory and folid considerations which 
have induced the Minuter to reverfe the regulations 
of former aufpicious times, and to untread all the 
fteps that have led this country to the pre-eminence 
in commerce and naval power, to which the wife 
foresight of our anceftors, directing the induftry of 
individuals, had gradually raifed her. In this view 
of the pamphlet, it certainly deferves a full and 
public difcuffion ; and to this I mail proceed with 
as much patience as the nature of the talk will admit. 

When the ingenious Secretary firft propofes to 
enter on the fubjecr. of his work, we find him at 
a lofs how to take it up. Although he reprobates, 
with the gravity becoming his dignified ftation, the 
warmth of the Public feelings, and the rapidity 
with which the quick fenfe of impending danger 
difiemi hated fuch numberlefs pamphlets, handbills, 
and eflays, for the purpofe of alarming the mer- 
chants, traders, and manufacturers of Great Britain, 
yet he is at a lofs how to collect the fubftance of 
the apprehensions they were intended to raife. He 
is reduced to the neceflity of conjecluring the ob- 
jections which he is to combat, and the faireft 
t hing he can do^ is, to take it for granted, that 
the Briiijh navigation and the Britijh commerce muff 
be fuppofed to be in danger by the new fyflem. 

There is no doubt but the Public will give him 
ample credit for his ingenuity in conjecluring y with 
fuch precision, the different fubjedts of their ap- 
prehenfions. But in this wonderful exertion of his 

dif- 



C 9 ] 

difcerning faculties, it is rather lingular, that the 
revenue fhould have totally efcaped his penetration. 
It might be expected that a Secretary of the Trea- 
fury would have paid fome attention to fo« impor- 
tant a concern, fo peculiarly connected with his of- 
fice. We might have hoped, from his confum- 
mate knowledge and his confirmed experience, 
either a refutation of the aiTertions and argu- 
ments urged in the declamatory pamphlets* on the one 
fide, or that he would have allayed the apprehen- 
fions raifed by thefe aiTertions and arguments, and 
informed us how the danger they predict to the re- 
venue from the propofed fyftem, is to be removed. 
But it feems he conjeclured no fuch danger him- 
felf ; and as far as it was fuggefted by factious 
eflays, he held it fufficient to declare once for all, 
that they deferved execration. 

Having fettled with himfelf the articles on 
which the Public, as be conje5lures> mujl have been 
alarmed, he proceeds to confider them in the de- 
tail. His arguments are thrown together in fuch 
confulion, and each run into the other with fuch end- 
lefs perplexity, that it is difficult to analize or ar- 



* At this time there had not been a Tingle pamphlet written on 
the fubjeft of the Irifli bufinefs, except Lord Sheffield's. Whe- 
ther thofe mod ufeful obfervations, which confift entirely of authen- 
tic flatements, acknowle dged fa&s, and folid practical inferences, 
are to be confidered in the light of a declamatory pamphlet, will not 
be left, I fancy, to the ingenious Secretary to determine. 

B range 



C «• ] 

range them, fo as to examine each diftindtly and in 
order. We can gather, however, with fome degree of 
precifion, that the neceffity y the jufiice, and the 
fairnefs of the new arrangements, are the points 
which he means to eftablifh at his outfet. To prove 
thefe, he pleads the independence of Ireland — the 
voluntary reftraints lhe has impofed on herfelf in 
favour of Great Britain, and the reftraints laid upon 
her by Britain in return; the defire exprejfed by 
Ireland to have the Britifti market opened to her 
on equal terms, by which he fays he means the fame 
terms on which the Irifh market is open to Great 
Britain — - the former conceffions made by Lord North , 
which left nothing valuable remaining to give her ; and 
Lord North's errors and mifconducl in granting thofe 
conceffions. 

» 
The independence of Ireland is then his firft 
argument. If reduced into form, his reafoning 
would ftand thus ; " Ireland is independent, there- 
" fore it is neceffary, jufl, and fair, that the Bri- 
" tifh market mould be thrown open to her, free, 
" and without referve, and that me fhould feed our 
" confumption as well with our own colonial pro- 
" duclions and foreign commodities, as with all ar- 
" tides of her own growth, product, and manufac- 
M ture." Either the introduction of the independence 
of Ireland into the queftion means this, or it means 
nothing — But if independence in itfelf conftitutes a 
claim to the right, why is not every other indepen- 
dent kingdom to apply for it ? Is it becaufe Ireland, 

as 



as the author pretends, notwithflahding this inde- 
pendence, voluntarily reflrains herfelf in many in- 
ftances in favour of Great Britain ? But fo do other 
independent nations — fo would any nation with 
whom we might form a commercial treaty, and 
ftipulate a preference for articles of our importation 
in return for other commercial advantages granted 
on our part. The independence of Ireland, there- 
fore, having nothing to do with the argument, 
could only have been dragged in for party pur- 
pofes, that this zealous friend of Ireland might 
have an opportunity of calling a reflection on the 
Adminiflration that ratified this independence. 

But will the Secretary of the Treafury tell us what 
this monopoly of confumption is for which Ireland 
requires an equality of trade, or what thefe articles are 
in which fhe reflrains herfelf in favour of Great Bri- 
tain ? We look for them in vain among the official 
documents produced for the information of Parlia- 
ment on the prefent or on any fimilar occafion. The 
Cuflom-houfe books of either kingdom furnifh no in- 
flance of them ; it mufl therefore refl with his better 
information, to fay, what articles Ireland purchafes 
of Great Britain, that Ihe can purchafe cheaper elfe- 
where, or that Ihe is not induced to prefer by the 
longer credit fhe can gain from the Britifh mer- 
chants. The fact is, there are no fuch articles, 
nor is there any fuch monopoly : The whole is the 
coinage of the author's brain, of the fuggeftion 

B 2 Q | 



[ » ] 

of fome perfon equally ignorant which he has ridi- 
culoufly adopted. 

From what follows, indeed, it might feem, that 
by thefe voluntary reftraints, the Secretary means 
all articles, the produce of the Britim Colonies in 
Afia, Africa, and America — but if this be his 
meaning, I befeech the reader to attend to this 
point, and to fee how the argument is twifted and 
diftorted, to anfwer every cafual purpofe of this in- 
fidious performance. In the pafTage I am now con- 
fidering (the 8th page) the direct trade to the Bri- 
tifh plantations, in which Ireland was indulged under 
Lord North's adminiflration, is reprefented to have 
been of fuch infinite value, that every thing which 
.from that time remained to be given to her, is 
treated by the author as fcarce entitled to confide- 
ration. In the 12th page, where it anfwers ano- 
ther purpofe, we fhall be told, fhat one of the grie- 
vances of which Ireland complains, is to be fought 
for in that very trade. In the prefent argument, the 
author have been aware, that the indulgence was 
clogged with the referve,. of importing the produce 
of the Britim colonies into the Britim markets di- 
rectly from the place of their growth. But here he 
forgets the referve, to exaggerate the indulgence ; 
whereas, in the other. argument, we fhall find him 
forgetting the indulgence, that he may fix a grie- 
vance and a right of complaint upon the referve. 



But 



I *3 ] 

But whatever restraints Ireland may be laid un- 
der in the traffic of our colonial productions, either 
by this country, or voluntarily *, (a phrafe which 
I do not underitand) what has fhe to object to 
them ? If fhe is confined to the productions of our 
Colonies, is me not alio admitted to a fhare in the 
monopoly of their confumption ? Without any 
right or claim whatever to the leaSt direct inter- 
courfe with them, have wc not opened a direct trade 
to her upon the lame terms on which we trade with 
them ourfelves ? And after all the laviih conceffions 
with which we have indulged her on this great and 
efTential point, are we to be told that lhe muft con- 
fider the conceffions as incomplete and unfatisfac- 
tory and juftly complain of opreffive restrictions J f, 
becaufe we have Stipulated that we Shall not 
go to her for the productions of our own poSTef- 
fions ? 



* The author roundly aflerts in many parts of his pamphlet, 
that Ireland has a rig/it to export all her produce and manufacture 
to Africa and America, and to import from thence all articles of 
the growth, produce, or manufacture of thofe countries. He is 
miftaken, it is not a right fhe poffefTes, but a conditional permiflion, 
as long as that trade mall be conducted with equal duties. 

f What is here faid of the reftraint refpe£ting the importation of 
the Weft-India produce through Ireland into this country, and of 
the preference fhe gives to our colonial commodities, may be alia 
applied to the monopoly of the Eaft-India Company, in which lhe 
has acquiefced. She gets the Eaft-India commodities cheaper from 
our Company than fhe could through any other channel. 

In. 



[ 14 1 

In the hour of our liberality, we gave her every 
thing, except what we could not have given her, 
without ruin to ourfelves. We removed every 
reftraint that could fetter her induftry ; we open- 
ed to her the trade of our colonies with the reft 
of the world, and bid her go in fearch of wealth 
in every port that would admit her traders. — 
We promifed her encouragement ; we promifed her 
protection. All we referved, was the exclufive pri- 
vilege of Supplying our own markets with the pro- 
duce of our own colonies , without fuffering the be- 
nefits and advantages of that commerce to be inter- 
cepted by the way, or diverted into other channels. 
In other words, we gave liberty and encouragement 
to our filler kingdom to get rich at the expence of 
all the reft of the world, if fhe could, and only pro- 
vided that ihe mould not intercept our wealth, or 
eftablifli her fortunes at our expence. 

In this truly generous and equitable arrangement, 
Ireland had every caufe to be grateful, and none to 
complain. We did her no injuftice ; we withheld 
from her no right. Our colonies were the purchafe 
of our own blood, the acquifition of our own trea- 
furcs, and the work of our own induftry. Their 
fettlement or their maintenance never coft Ireland a 
farthing— they were our own offspring, and we had 
enteretTinto fuch a compact with them as that re- 
latiqnVuggejled. We engaged ourfelves to purchafe 
their commodities, to the exclufion of all fimilar 
pfodudions in every other country: and they 

pledged 



pledged themfelves, in return, to carry thofe com- 
modities to no other market but ours. We under- 
took all rifks for their protection, and they referved 
to us all the benefits arifing from that fecurity. 

Such is the connection, which, by every principle 
of juftice, by the law of nations, and by the cuftom 
of all the other powers of Europe, has been univcr- 
fally acknowledged to fubfiit between the mother 
country and her colonies. A trade with them of 
any kind, or of any extent, muft have been, there- 
fore, conlidered as a favour granted to Ireland ; nor 
could me have a ihadow of pretext for complaining 
of any referve, much lefs of a referve which, while 
it left her in equal pofTeffion of every other advan- 
tage, merely fecured us againft any future rivalfhip 
on her part in our own markets. 

It is but juftice to that nation to declare, that 
left to herfelf, to her own good fenfe, and to the 
impulfe of her generous feelings, ihe never would 
have complained of it. This formed no part of her 
grievances ; the removal of this reftraint has never 
been heard amongft her public demands. The 
rafhnefs, ignorance, and felf-fuiKciency of the Mi- 
nifter, deceived an4 milled by an interefted indivi- 
dual, who had private views of his own, a©d local 
interefts to fecure, forced the offer upon her ; and 
whatever may be the confequences of her difappoint- 
fnent, they muft be laid to his charge. 

The 



[ ,6 ] 

The conceilions granted under Lord North's ad- 
miniftration, were granted in confequence of a pub- 
lic and authorifed communication between the two 
nations. This I fhall prefently prove, in opposition 
to the pofitive aflertions of the Secretary of the 
Trcafury. The Legiilature of Ireland, by an au- 
thentic ad, declared the * points on which they were 
aggrieved, and the indulgences they defired. They 
communicated their complaints and their wifhes to 
the head of the empire, to be laid before the Le- 
giflature of Great Britain, and their wifhes were in 
confequence gratified, and their complaints removed. 
The fame can be proved of the arrangement that 
ended in an acknowledgment of the Independence 
of the Irifh Legiilature, under the adminiftration of 
Lord Rockingham. But the prefent negociation 
has been carried on more like a dark and dangerous 
confpiracy again ft both ftates, than as a communi- 
cation for eftablifhing a fatisfadiory adjuftment be- 
tween them. The fecret of its exiftence was pre- 

ed from the public in both countries with the 
ut m oft care and circumfpedtion ; and the proffer 
of the fyftem, by the Irifh Minifter to the Irifh 
Parliament, with all its regulations, fully digefted, 
completely arranged, and approved and recommend- 
ed by the Britifh Government, was the firft notice 
either nation had of its neceffity, its provifions, or 
its objed:. 

Upon what authority, then, does the Secretary 
pjj the Treafury affert, that the new fyftem, as 

far 



[ i7 3 

far as it affects the opening of our markets for 
the importation of our colonial productions through 
Ireland, has been formed at the defire of Ireland ; 
or that the referve of that market is among the re- 
flricYions that ftill fetter the trade of that kingdom, 
which fhe requefted might-be removed ? His an- 
fwer, and the arguments he grounds on it, as they 
can fairly be collected from the 7th, 8th, and 9th 
pages, afford an example of a mode of ratiocination 
unknown to all former logicians, and the entire in- 
vention of the new Treafury fchool. I beg the 
reader may attend to it. " Ireland, being in pof- 
" feffion of a right * to a free trade with our colo- 
" nies, complains that Great Britain, who gave the 
" pofieffion of that right, has referved a preference 
" for herfelf in her own market : Ireland, there- 
" fore, ha"s a right to defire that this privilege may 
€S be ceded to her." — " Ireland mufi have confidered 
" the ceflionof this privilege," or, as the author ex- 
preffes it, " the removal of this opprefiive refiraint, as 
ic the completion of the meafure adopted during Lord 
" North's adminiftration." — Why? " becaufe the 
<c conceffions then granted, however ample, bow- 
" ever infinite in value, should have formed 
" but a part of a final fettlement. — As Great 
cc Britain relieved Ireland fo far, fhe fhould go far" 
cc ther, and by way of making the fettlement final, 
iC fhe jhould ftrip herfelf of the only advantage ihe 
cc referved, as head of the empire, charged with 
cc all its exifting debts and future expences, and 

* I have already fliewn in what this right confifts. 

C " leave 



C 18 ] 

c: leave no farther caufe of complaint to Ireland ; 
" that is, leave herfelf nothing more to give." In 
a word, the author's anfwer to my queftion is, 
" Ireland JJjould have aiked for the removal of this 
" rellraint in right of the indulgencies already given 
u to her; therefore, I am warranted in faying, that 
" Jbe has defired it." 

Such are the pofitions, and fuch the inferences, 
which the author chufes to urge in proof of the 
charge which he infinuates againft Lord North, of 
having rendered the prefent arrangement necefTary 
and unavoidable* Taking the argument on the 
ground this gentleman fometimes ' places it, and 
confidering what is now given to Ireland as little 
better than nothing, his way of reafoning is this — 
" You have already given me every thing worth 
u having; I have, therefore, a right to demand 
" from you the little you have ftill left" Taking 
it again on the ground that Mr. Orde and the Mi- 
m&et choofe to place it in Ireland, and eftimating 
the boon at its real value, the reafoning will be 
this : — " You have given me much ; I have 
" therefore a right to your giving me more. You 
" have given me a great deal; it therefore follows 
<* that you fiould give me all" 

But the author plunges {till deeper into paradox 
in what follows. He afTerts, in the face of the 
public, that this equality, meaning the identical 
equality in trade now propofed by Mr. Pitt, was 

intended 



I J 9 ] 

intended to have been propofed by Lord North m. 
the year 1779. Lord Hill/borough, in a fpeech, 
printed in Debrett's Parliamentary Debates, faid, 
that Ireland was to have a free trade. Lord Beau- 
champ faid me was to have a free trade ; Lord North 
himfelf faid, that his plan of opening the trade be- 
tween her and the Weft Indies, was upon an idea of 
an equal trade ; " Therefore" fays our author, u it 
" was Lord North's intention to have propofed to 
" Ireland the very equality now propofed to her by 
" Mr. Pitt." 

The art of garbling a fpeech, and quoting juft 
that part of it that may anfwer the purpofes of the 
enemies of the fpeaker, has been ftudied and prac- 
tifed in the fchool of the prefent Miniftry with infi- 
nite fuccefs. Of this art, and the ufes to which it 
is applied, the reader will have a curious fpecimen, 
if he will be at the trouble of confulting the paflage 
to which the candid Secretary alludes. One would 
not fuppofe that ignorance could mifapprehend, or 
the moft infidious fophiftry mifreprefent, the mean- 
ing affixed by Lord North to the equality of trade 9 
with which it was not only his intention to indulge 
Ireland, but with which he actually did indulge 
her ; nor is it in the power of words to convey this 
meaning more diftinclly or explicitly than it is 
exprefTed in that part of the Debates which the 
author has thought proper to omit, * If the rea- 
der 

* This he (Lord North) acknowledged was but a rough outline 

»f the general plan, on the idea of an equal trade. It would de- 

C % ro ami 



[ *o 3 

der will take the trouble of confulting the authority 
quoted by the author, he will find, firft, that all 

Lord 

mand much confideration, and require much modelling : it was a 
matter of infinite delicacy — would call for a great deal of detail 
and inquiry. Efteeming it fo, he meant to throw out his proposi- 
tion as a matter worthy the attention of the Irifh Parliament. It 
might be proper to communicate with that body on the fubject ; and 
as fuch, it would be proper to poftpone any farther proceeding on 
the proportion until after the Chriftmas recefs, as probably, by the 
time the refolution he meant to move fhould reach Ireland, the Par- 
liament of that kingdom would be on the eve of an adjournment. 

" If we did not open this fource of commerce to Ireland, wc 
" mould act unkindly towards her : on the other hand, mould it 
u be thought proper to throw open our colony trade to Ireland, 
<l without accompanying the enjoyment of it with fimilar burdens to 
tf thofe which we fubmitted to ourfelves ? it would be an a£l of the 
'* higheft injuflice to Great Britain, and the rankeft folly in thofe 
* ( who fhould advife fuch a mcafure. He, therefore, was of opi- 
" nion, that an equal trade, in the fen fe he had already explained it, 
4i including an equality of taxes and duties both upon the export 
" and import, was the only equitable ground on which the benefits 
" and advantages, to beheld out by his intended refolution, coultj 
i( be granted or expected. The equalization of the duties, and 
" every confequence, whether relative to manufacture, trade, or 
t( commerce, muft necefferily lis with the Irifh. Parliament, who, 
{l from the nature of their constitution, could only lay thefe taxes 
" and duties which would bring the Britifh and Jrifh commodi- 
" ties upon equal terms to market. His Lprdfhip frequently re- 
" peated, that [the loft of his three proportions would call for grea; 
u attention, modification, and much deliberation. — There was no 
" need of many proofs of the real fentiments of the Irifh : ihey 
* l had declared them frequently and publicly ; they had been col- 
^ lecled in the only conjUtutional mode in which they could ie 

<* heard 



L 21 ] 

Lord North's afTertions and reafoning are folely to 
be applied to the/pecific propofition offered by him to 
the Houfe, of granting to Ireland that direct trade 
to the Britifh plantations which fhe now enjoys by 
the 20th George III. eh. 10. Secondly,, that the 
equality which Lord North had in contemplation, 
and which, indeed, he took care to eftablifii, was an 
equality of taxes and cuftoms on the exports and imports 
of Weft-India produttious to Ireland: and thirdly, 
that there did not fall from him the mod diftant 
allufion to any privilege, or to any future plan 
or delign of granting a privilege, of re-exporting 
thofe productions to the Britifh market. 

Notwithstanding all this, our candid author does 
not hefitate to ailert, that Mr. Pitt's equal trade, 
and Lord North's equal trade, were identically the 
fame ; and that if the latter did not propofe not 
only the commerce of the colonies through Ire- 
land, but alfo the opening of the Britifh market to 
that kingdom, for all articles of her home growth, 

" heard and attended to, namely, by the addrefs from the Legijla- 
11 ture of that kingdom to the Crown, from their reprefen tat ions 
'* declared in Parliament. What thefe fentiments were, was upon 
" record. Nothing, they tell the Crown, fhort of a Free trade 
" will adminifter relief; and what he underftood by a free trade, 
u he hoped he had fufHciently explained in the courfe of the even* 
" ing, namely, a free and equal trade, upon condition of an equality 
** of taxes." 

Vide Debrett's Parliamentary Regifter, 1779, Vol. X/VI. 
Pebatcs of the Commons, p. 183, 184, and 186. 

pro- 



[ « ] 

produce, and manufa&ure, it was becaufe he did 
not pojfefs energy enough to $erfe£l a fyftem of any fort. 

That Lord North had not energy enough to 
perfect his fyftem, muft certainly be admitted, if 
the author's affertion has been proved, that Lord 
North's intentions and Mr. Pitt's intentions were the 
fame : but as the reader is already fatisfied on that 
fubjed, we have only to confider what the confe- 
quences of Lord North's propofals have been, to 
fee how the queftion really ftands. If they have 
been accepted, and ratified by an adt of the Legif- 
lature ; if all the provifions of the plan he propofed 
have been adopted, and confirmed by the Parlia- 
ments of both countries ; if his arrangements have 
been carried uninterruptedly into full execution 
from that time to this ; and if Ireland at this mo- 
ment enjoys all the benefits of them ; then it muft 
be acknowledged that Lord North did pofifefs fuffi- 
cient energy and power to perfect his plan, and 
carry his intentions into efFect, notwithftanding the 
pofitive charges of the candid Secretary. It muft 
alfo follow, that the regulations were made upon 
.fyftem : not, certainly, upon Mr. Pitt's fyftem ; 
and, therefore, perhaps his Secretary concludes, 
that they were made upon no fyftem at all. 

The charge of negledting to obtain information 
on the fubjed: of thefe conceftions is alfo refuted by 
the authority which he quotes to prove his accu- 

fation, 



[ *3 ] 

fation. I will refer him to a fpeech * of Lord Hillf- 
borough's, on the ifl of December, 1779, and 
fhall only obferve, that the papers mentioned by 
his Lordfhip, formed a complete body of authentic 
documents, and conveyed very different information 
from thofe miferably defective and contradictory 
ftatements which Mr. Pitt reluctantly, and under 
the lafh of Oppofition, lately produced to the Bri- 
tifh Parliament. The one were deiigned to fuggeft 
materials for an arrangement which it was in con- 
templation to fettle between the two countries ; 
The other were produced to defend a meafure al- 
ready adopted. The one were calculated to affift 
in deliberating previous to determination ; the other 
to aflift in deliberating on what had been previ- 
oufly determined. 

To all the other charges of want of concert, and 
not previoufly knowing what fatisfaction the con- 
ceflions might afford, which the author borrows 
from the Minifter's perfonal invectives again ft Lord 
North, I ihall content myfelf with anfwering, that it 



* Vide Debrett's Parliamentary Debates of the Lords, Vol. XV- 
pagcs 95 and 96. — Thefe papers confifted of accounts of the ex- 
ports and imports of Great Britain and Ireland, delivered in by the 
Commiflioners of the Englifh cuftoms ; obfervations on the caufes 
of the diftreffed and impoverimed ftate of Ireland, and how the 
fame might beft be remedied, from the Commiflioners of Ireland ; 
letters from the Secretary of State to the Lord Lieutenant, with 
their anfwers ; and the addreffes of the Irifh Parliament, ilating in 
exprefs terms the object of their wiftieSj 

would 



[ *4 ] 

would have been happy for the peace of the empire, 
If the wife, temperate, and cautious proceedings of 
thofe days had been imitated by the prefent Admi- 
niftration — The two countries would not have been 
committed, as we now fee them, nor the legiilature 
of either reduced to the aukward and unprece- 
dented fituation in which they are thrown by the 
rafh and inconflderate conduct of a young man, 
who determines without knowledge or experience, 
and who fcorns to feek or receive advice. The con- 
ceffions to be granted, were to be granted by Great 
Britain — the Britifh Parliament was,' therefore, 
firll confulted, and its approbation obtained. The 
wifhes of Ireland were to be fatisfied, and her com- 
plaints removed ; the next ftep, therefore, was, to 
know how far thefe conceilions would produce that 
effect — Time was given for this purpofe, by open- 
ing the proportions in the Britiih Houfe of Com- 
mons, before the recefs, and deferring the decifion tiH 
after the meeting of Parliament. In that interval, the 
addreffes of both the Irifh Houfes declared their ac- 
quiescence and perfect Satisfaction ; and then, and 
not till then, a bill was brought in by the. Minifter 
to eftablim and confirm the agreement. Thus all 
was in due order — the whole bufinefs was- trans- 
acted with open concert, and upon Jyftem ; and the 
confequence was, a complete reftoration of peace, 
hurmony, and affection, between the two countries, 
Ireland broke out into raptures of joy and exulta- 
tion ; and bonfires and general illuminations were 
the teftimonies (he gave of her gratitude for that 

benefit 



[ *5 3 

benefit which our author tells us had loft its efTed, 
and was eftimated by the Irifh below its real value, 

I ihall appear, perhaps to have dwelt 'too long 
on this petulance of groundlefs recrimination, this 
miferable expedient of felf-convi&ed xaflinefs and 
ignorance, that can devife no other defence than, 
by falfehood and mifreprelentation, to forge a charge 
of prior rafhnefs and ignorance againft others ; but 
when I reflecl: on the mifchief which mifreprefenta* 
tions of this nature have already produced among the 
people — When I consider the hopes that are built 
upon them, and the ftrefs with which they are urged, 
as well by the Minifter as by his adherents, I thought 
it incumbent upon me to trefpafs on the reader's 
patience, while I detected and expofed the moll 
daring fallacies that have ever been obtruded upon 
the credulity of the public. 



AFTER having fettled, as he fuppofes, the prin* 
ciples on which he conliders Ireland to have a right 
to the benefits of the new arrangements, the author 
divides the feveral points in which ftiejhouldbe in- 
dulged with a removal of all reftraints, into two 
general -heads, 

ill. All articles, the produce of the Britifh co- 
lonies, in Afia, Africa, and America ; and 2dly, 
Certain articles of the growth, produce, or manu- 
facture, as well of Great Britain as of Ireland. 

D The 



[ a6 ] 

The object of all his obfervations and reafoning 
on the firft head, is to proye that the point to be 
conceded to Ireland by the propofed fyflern^ is of 
no confequence to either country. Ireland, by the 
laws of both kingdoms as they now ftand, enjoys, 
if we are to believe this gentleman, every valuable 
advantage in the commerce of our colonies, which 
can be worth cultivating Under her prefent circum- 
ftances; and, with refpect to Great Britain, the 
mifchief to be dreaded by her is reduced to the mere 
apprehension, that the produce of the colonies 
will be often brought through Ireland? 

• 
On reading this ftatement of the cafe, it will na- 
turally occur to every man to aik this queftion — 
If the indulgence be of no value — if Ireland be to 
gain no additional advantage by it, why is flie re- 
prefented as contending the point with fuch earnefl> 
nefsj or, rather, jvith fo commanding and peremp- 
tory a tone, that we dare not deny her? Why is 
lhe faid to declare, that if we have not given her 
ibis, vye have given her nothing ? 

In how different a point of light does the Englifii 
Secretary in Ireland reprefent tl)is decifive proof of 
unequivocal liberality on the part of Great Britain* He 
points out in the ftrongeft colours the conftant folicU 
tude witb wbicbjhe bad ever guarded for herfelf a pre- 
ference in tbe laws of navigation* He calls to mind 
the period when ihe firft liftened to the requefis of 
Ireland, relaxed the principle of interefted jea- 

Joufy, 



i *7 ] 

lbiify, and imparted to Her z. fhdre in ttie trade 
of her colonies. But this, he adds, was but an 
omen, a happy pre/age of that complete victory 
werfelfintereft) which it was his good fortune to an- 
nounce to Ireland. His was the peculiar felicity of 
alluring them that the period was come when Great 
Britain relinquished the reservation even of a juft pre- 
ference^ and removed every obftacle to the full inter- 
change of the commodities of the world ** 

Thus Mr. Orde reprefents the conceflions in 1779, 
as only an equivocal proof of the generofity of Great 
Britain towards Ireland ; the Secretary of the Trea- 
fury confiders them as unequivocal and deci/ive, and 
that Mr. Pitt's are the indigencies that are but appa- 
rent indulgencies. Mr. Orde fays, that the relax- 
ing temper of thofe times was but a happy pre/age 
of that complete viftory which the prefent Miniftry 
promijed to obtain for Ireland over Great Britain ; 
the Secretary of the Treafury maintains, that the 
Viftory was complete from the firft, and that the new 
regulations have added nothing valuable, which 
either Ireland fhould rejoice in, or this country 
dread. The certain profpedt which Mr. Orde 
difplayed to Ireland from the relinquishment of 
the navigation fyftem, of feeing even Great Bri- 
tain coming to her market for fupplies, is naf 

* To thofe who woulti wifli to have a perfect idea of this contra* 
di&ory language, and this oppofition of arguments mutually Ajb- 
verfive of each other, I would recommend the perufal of a very in* 
$ enious and fpirited pamphlet, entitled, Mr. Pitt's Reply to Mr. 
Orde j fold by Dcbmt. 

D 2 rowecl 



[ zS ] 

rowed by the Secretary of the Treafury to a mere 
apprebetifion, on the part of Great Britain, of fee- 
ing the produce of the Colonies often brought 
through Ireland. 

In treating of this navigation fyftem,' I would beg 
the reader to attend to the language which the author 
borrows from the Minifler, and which the Minifler 
has borrowed from the Irifh negociators. It is in thfc- 
moft contemptible degree idle and trifling. It infinu- 
ates, that it is the conftruftion of thoracis that the Irifh 
have to object to, and not the acl: itfelf. Nay, our 
author goes farthe* — He aflerts, that when thefe 
laws, as they now Hand, are repealed, Ireland will 
only, in appearance, obtain a new right. " Much 
" contrariety of opinion, " fays he, " has been held 
tc in Great Britain and Ireland about the interpreta- 
" tion of the navigation afi, as to its permitting 
" the produce of Alia, Africa, and America, to be 
" carried to Ireland through Great Britain, but re- 
" {braining the produce being brought to Great 
" Britain through Ireland." 

This affertion is grounded either in extreme ig- 
norance, or in extreme impudence ; for in no 
weaker terms canv I ftigmarize an attempt to 
pafs fuch a grofs impofition on the public. There 
is not a principle more clearly or more unequivo- 
cally eftablifhed by the code of navigation law$, than 
that the produce-of Afia, Africa, and America, fhalL 
not be imported into Great Britain through Ireland., 

Human 



[ *9 ] 

Human ingenuity could not raife a doubt upon the 
s fubjed. The whole navigation fyftem eftablifhes 
the regulation, and on every occaiion, where the 
preffure of .circumftances and the neceffity of fome 
frefh occurrence directed the attention of the lcgif- 
lature to a review of this fyftem,. down to our own 
days, we find that amidft all their , modifications 
and amendments, that principle remained facred 
and inviolate. — The affectation of the prefent inno- 
vators, in confining the navigation fyftem to a 
fingle acl, is, therefore, in the higheft degree abfurcL 
The 15th, 22d, and 23d of Charles II, ; the 7th 
and 8th of William III. ; the 3d and 4th of Anne, 
&c. all form a part of the navigation fyftem, as 
much as the 12th of Charles II. And as the exprefs 
provifions of each of thefe ads prohibit the importa- 
tion of the fpecified commodities into Great Bri- 
tain through Ireland, it follows, that if the law be 
now to be altered, Ireland will not only apparently r , 
(as our author abfurdly expreffes himfelf ) but in 
fatl, acquire new privileges, to which neither the 
navigation laws, nor the 10th or 20th of George 
III. had admitted her. 

In another part of his pamphlet we mall find him 
returning to this argument — M The Irifh," he fays, 
<e have always contended, that the fame interpre- 
%t tation mould be had of the navigation ad: in both 
<c countries ; and have infilled upon that more ear- 
?f neftly fince the'paffing of Mr. Yelverton Y ad: ; 
* f which provides, that no Britifh ad:s fhall be of 

* c force 



[ 3° ] 

" force but fuch as impofe equal reftraints, arid 
u give equal advantages to* both kingdoms." 
But there happens to be an Irifh aft which fpecifi- 
cally adopts the Englifh navigation afts. Whether 
the author was ignorant of this, or designedly 
concealed it, is of very little confequence \o the 
Public *, 

But when the author fays Ireland will, in appear- 
ancCy acquire a liberty of exporting to Great Bri- 
tain the produce of Afia, Africa, and America, he 
perhaps means, that, under her prefent circumftances, 
flie cannot profit by the indulgence. His lan- 
guage is fo very loofe and incorrect throughout the 
whole of this performance, that it is very difficult 
to affix any precife idea to the terms he ufes. But 
I am led to confider the exprefiion, in appear- 

* A gentleman who has been perfuaded to forfeit a confiderable 
Ihare of literary and commercial reputation, by undertaking the 
defence of this ruinous fyftem, has excelled even our author ill his 
obfervations on the laws of navigation. He aflerts, that M it is not 
«' till the izth of George III. that Ireland was reftrifted from ex- 
tc porting the produce of the colonies to Great Britain." The pre* 
amble of the aft, he quotes, is the ftrongeft refutation of fo extra- 
ordinary an alTertion. It refers to the aft of Charles II. and declares, 
that notiMithjlanding the /aid a3, American and Afiatic goods have 
been exported from Ireland into Great Britain, and have been cla n ^ 
dcjlinely and illegally landed in this kingdom, contrary to thefaidaS f 
Sec, and then it proceeds to make provifions for enforcing the a£U 
already exijling againft the importation of American and Afiatic 
goods, from any other place than the place of their growth* Thia 
Mr. C — s chufes to call the firft reftraining aft. VMe " The Ar« 
rangements with Ireland confideredv" 

ance $ 



[ # ] 

ance, in this fenfe, as I obferve, that in all the 
reafoning that follows through feveral pages, he 
argues from the prefent Hate of Ireland, without 
the leafi view to the benefits with the profpedt of 
which Jldminifiration feeds the hopes of that coun- 
try, under the new regulations. From the prefent 
circumftances of Ireland, the Secretary anfwers all our 
objections, and labours to allay all our fears. Under 
her prefent circumftances, her merchants cannot be- 
come the carriers of African and American goods 
for the merchants of Great Britain. — Under her pre- 
fent circumftances, fhe cannot be able to import thofe 
goods upon her own capital — Under her prefent cir- 
cumftances, fhe cannot fend them into Great Britain 
upon fuch terms as to enable her to underfel the 
Britifh merchants in their own markets, or to make 
up fuch afTortments of cargoes as to underfel them 
in foreign markets. — She has at prefent no flap- 
ping — She has at prefent no capital — She has no 
great wealth diffufed through the country — She can 
afford no long credit — She has no means of fpecu- 
Jating, either for a near or diftant market. 

The reader already perceives, the weaknefs and 
folly of this mode of reafoning, when applied to a 
fyftem that is to be final, permanent, and irrevoca- 
ble. The inabilities the Secretary enumerates, are 
the very points in which Ireland is to be relieved ; 
and the object held out to her by the prefent arrange- 
ment is, that fhe may attain the advantages which 
JJritifh merchants enjoy over her in thefe very par- 
ticulars 



I 32 '] 

t'iculars, in confequence of the reflralnts under which 
ihe at prefent labours. 

For thefe reafons, when the propofal for removing 
thofe reftraints was held out to her, ihe embraced 
it with an eagernefs ' and avidity proportionate 
to the advantages which it difplayed to her view. 
— She little required the comments of the Irifh 
Secretary to comprehend the full value of the 
gift; and fhe was far from confining her views, 
with the Englifh Secretary, to her prefent circum- 
flances. She wifely looked forward to the period 
when fhe mould put herfelf in poffemon of all the 
advantages whjch Great Britain had acquired, under 
the protection of thofe laws which Ihe was invited 
to enjoy in future in the full eft extent. Even when 
ihe took a nearer view of her ikuation, fhe found 
various and powerful incitements to animate her 
exertions, and to infpire her with hopes of great and 
immediate fuccefs. The number and convenience 
of her harbours, their fituation with refpedt to 
Africa and America, and the prevailing winds of 
the Atlantic ; the Ihortnefs and the fafety of the 
voyage, compared with the additional tedioufnefs 
and difficulties of the navigation of our channels ; 
the cheapnefs of her provifions ; her exemption from 
taxes; the encouragement to Britifh adventurers to 
carry over their capitals, their fkill, and their in-? 
duftry ; all thefe taken in the aggregate, afforded her 
fuch advantages over Great Britain even in the outfet 
p{ this her new career, as ihe knew muft greatly tend 

XQ 



t 33 1 

to counterbalance her exifling difficulties. The latter 
muft leilen every day, the former mufl continue undi- 
minished : It was eafy to forefee the refill t of the 
competition to which fhe was invited by the intended 
regulations. 

But our more intelligent authordenies that thefe 
advantages are of confequence. He takes notice of 
each of them feparately, and contends that Great 
Britain has nothing to dread from them. With 
refpect to the advantageous fituation of the ports of 
Ireland, for carrying on trade with Africa aad Ame- 
rica, he contents himfelf with mentioning it, and 
declines entering into any argument upon it, except 
as far as it is urged that Ireland can in confequence 
import articles from thence much cheaper than 
Great Britain. To this he anfwers, that " Nothing 
" can be lefs true." A compendious anfwer ! and, 
in his opinion, perfectly fatisfactory ; for he does 
not advance a fingle confederation in anfwer to the 
avTumption. — But I beg his pardon — he does fay, 
that " in the Irifh Channel, Briftol is oppofke to 
" Corke." — Here I confefs I have been difappointed. 
From the author's early purfuits in life, and his 
marine experience, I did not expect a companion 
between the port gS Corke and the port of Briftol # 

But if in th)s he proves himfelf a bad feaman, in 
what follows he difcovers (till greater ignorance in his 
new profeflion, and proves himfelf a worfe politician 
-*• He yery fenfibly obferves, that « though the ports 

E « on 



[ 34 ] 

" on the weft coaft of Ireland be nearer to America, 
" they are remote from England." This certainly 
gives us a better opinion of his nautical knowledge 
than his former remark ; but what is the inference > 
That " although it mould be admitted that Ireland 
" can import the commodities of Africa and Ame- 
" rica for her own confumption on more favourable 
" terms than Great Britain can for her confump- 
€C tion ; yet the argument does not apply to her fup- 
" plying England" — Why ? " Becaufe it will not 
" be contended that the ihorteft and cheapeft way 
" of importing goods from Africa and America to 
" this country is, by carrying them firft into a port 
" of Ireland, and then bringing them from thence 
" to a port here." — " Such reafoning,^ fays our 
fagacious Secretary, " is too grofs for the blindeft 
" prejudice." 

But it is the misfortune of this country that this 
reafoning, with the various confiderations involved 
in it, is above the comprehenfion of this gentle- 
man, and of thofe whom he directs, or by whom 
he is directed. They have attempted to throw the 
whole principle on which it turns into ridicule ; 
and reprefenting it under the idea of a circuitous 
commerce, they have congratulated themfelves en the 
triumph which they conceive that (ingle expreffion 
p have given them over the oppofers of their 
fyftem. 



put 



[ 3S ] 

But it was upon the very principle of this circuit- 
ous commerce that the whole fyftem of our naviga- 
tion laws was built. Can the author be fo ignorant as 
to fuppofe that it was the immediate gain upon the 
commodities that induced our anceftors to confine 
the colonial and foreign trade ? Was this the only- 
benefit they meant to fecure to their defendants by 
procuring for them their Great Sea Charter * ? — 
When he and the Minifter next read the naviga- 
tion aft together, a itudy which the latter, has con- 
defcended to recommend to all the ignorant mem- 
bers of the Houfe of Commons, I would advife 
them to confider the preamble of the act which 
they diflinguifh by that name — The advantages at- 
tending the exchange of our colonial commodities, 
and the vent it occafioned for the native commodi- 
ties of the kingdom — the rendering this country 
the ftaple of plantation goods as well as of the 
commodities of other countries for fupplying the 
Plantations ; the increafe of fhipping and feamen, 
from the number of hands employed in the car- 
riage, in the landing, in the floring, and re-ihip- 
ping of the colonial produce, as well as of the 
productions of other countries, importing their ma- 
chandize in exchange ; the various gradations of 
induftry arifing out of this complicated interchange, 
and the diffufion of wealth through every clafs 
of the people, from this felf-multiplying commerce : 
•thefe were the chief among the enlarged objects 

* Sir Jofiah ChiJd would have it called Chart a Maritima. 

E 2 which 



{ 3* 1 

which the great characters who framed^ explained, 
and rnethodifed the navigation laws, embraced in 
their fyftem. It was by having thefe great objects fe- 
cured to her, that England became the emporium of 
Europe ; the mart where other nations found the rea- 
died: and largeft fupplies, and the cheapeft barter, 
and whence, by a circuitous trade, thefe fupplies were 
conveyed to every part of the globe. It was by 
this circuitous commerce that fhe indemnified herfelf 
for what nature had denied her, and made the 
produce of every climate, and every foil, her own. 
In a word, it was on the foundation of this cir- 
cuitous commerce that ihe feated her naval power, 
and feizing the fcepter of the ocean* extended her 
conquefts and her influence to every quartet of the 
world. 

To lay the ground work for fiinilar com- 
mercial advantages for Ireland, was the evident ob- 
ject of the Irim negociators. In that view they di- 
rected their attention to the regulation of bounties 
and drawbacks with that ftrictnefs and accuracy 
which is fo plainly difcernible in the refolutions on 
this fubject. 

The transfer of thefe advantages was the chief 
fubjedt of congratulation, felected by Mr. Orde 
from among the numberlefs unexpected benefits 
he was inftructed to offer to her Parliament. — 
This circuitous trade, which is ridiculed by Mini- 
fters in this country, the more candid or more intel- 
ligent 



[ 37 3 

ligcnt Minifter in Ireland reprefented in its true light 
— as a conceffion which gave their highefl value to 
all his other conceffions, and which would in time 
render Ireland, as it had before rendered Britain, 
the emporium of trade and the center of com- 
merce. 

But I have already obferved that the Irilh Secre- 
tary and the Englifh Secretary think differently 
upon this fubjecl:. The latter, flil] moving in his 
own narrow circle, contends that the opening of 
the Britifh market can be productive of no advan- 
tageous confequences to Ireland; and he is not in 
want of reafons and arguments fuited to his genius 
and to the councils he is fuppofed* to direct, in 
proof of his opinion. Thefe he difplays with all 
the -affectation of comprehenfive information and 
profound difcernment. 

The firft is, that the price of freight and pre- 
miums of infurance from all the ports of Ame- 
rica, including the Weft-India iflands, ot Ireland, 
are precifely the fame as to Great Britain. This 
is certainly true; but it is alfo eafy to account for 
it, and at the fame time to prove, that the price 
of freight and infurance to Ireland cannot long 
continue at its prefent rate. The trade between 
the Colonies and Ireland, however advantageous 

* It is a doubt whether the Minifter owes his commercial know- 
ledge to the Secretary, or tfcc Secretary to the Minifter. 

it 



[ 33 ] 

it has already proved to the latter, has been fo 
ihort a time eftabliihed, and fo great a proportion 
of the commodities of thofe Coloniesis Hill taken by 
Ireland from Great Britain, that a Britifh-built fhip, 
navigated by Britifh feamen, will not unload any part 
of her cargo in Ireland at a lower freight than the 
full charge to the port of London. With refpedt to 
the infurance, the whole of that bufinefs is tranfacled 
in England ; and the want of confidence in the Irifh 
fhips, and their little knowledge of them, are the 
only caufes of the Engliih infurers not having as 
yet fixed a lower premium on thofe fhips to their 
own ports. But when the trade of Ireland increafes, 
and either the infurance buiinefs' becomes an object 
among themfelves, or the infurers here are encou- 
raged to have greater confidence in their fhips and 
in the owners of them, there is no doubt but that 
the rate of infurance will be fettled in proportion 
to the fhorter voyages and the fewer rifques. 

His next argument goes to controvert the opinion 
of commercial men, who all maintain, that // Ire- 
land be permitted to fend the produce of Africa and 
America into Great Britain, (meaning, no doubt, 
according to the new fyftem, or the objection would 
have nothing to do with the prefent queftion) fhe 
Would be able to underfel the Britifh merchants, as 
•4he can make up her manufactures cheaper than 
Great Britain, and obtain colony produce cheaper in 
-exchange. 



In! 






C 39 3 

In anfwer to this, the author afks, if this be true, 
why does not Ireland novo avail herfelf of the ad- 
vantage ? That is to fay, why does not Ireland avail 
herfelf now of a circumftance, which is to take 
place hereafter ? But fuppoiing this to be one of 
the ingenious Secretary's numerous inaccuracies, I 
have already fhewn the futility and abfurdity of 
reafoning from what Ireland is now, to what it is 
meant me mould be under the new fyftem. When 
Ihe mall be admitted into her full fliare of all the 
advantages which Great Britain enjoys over her now, 
the advantages which ihe now enjoys over Great 
Britain, and which can never be transferred to Great 
Britain, will operate in a tenfold proportion in her 
favour. When the participation of the Britifh 
carrying trade fhall have encouraged and increafed 
her Shipping ; when the rate of freight in her trade 
fhall have changed with her circumftances ; when 
the removal of our merchants and manufacturers, 
joined to her increafing commerce, fhall have fup- 
plied her with capital, and afforded her the means of 
making up mixed afTortments of cargoes to anfwer 
all the demands of our American colonies, then the 
cheapnefs of the manufactures of which thofe car- 
goes will be compofed, mull enable her to import 
the produce of thofe colonies on fuch terms as to 
underfel the Britifh merchants in their own markets. 

Our author's next transition is to an obfervation 
priginally offered to the Irifh Parliament by Mr, 
Orde, in recommending the firfl regulation of his 

new 



t 40 ] 

new fyftem — " That there would be no longer any 

" reftrainton fpeculation, that powerful ftirnulative 

f< to commercial vigour." This opinion our author 

^verts. He contends, that the opening of the 

. irfcet to Ireland affords her no temptations 

.^ce. " I will appeal," fays he, " to the 

" merchants here, whether fpeculation, by a direSt 

" importation, made feldom but from neceffity, an- 

'** fwers once in a hundred times." 

I will appeal to every merchant in Great Britain, 
whether he undcrftands the author's expreflion, or 
knows how it is meant to apply the obfervation. 
One of the greatefl encouragements to fpeculation 
mult be the nearnefs of the market. If, therefore, by 
direct importation, the author means an importation 
directly from the Colonies, nothing can be fo ab- 
furd as his inference. Becaufe a fpeculation on an 
importation from fuch a diflance, and through fuch 
hazards and delays, may not have anfwered once in 
an hundred times, does it follow, that a fpeculation 
for a market at the merchants* doors, muft be equally 
precarious ? The very articles the author mentions, 
fugar and tobacco, can be purchafed by the Iriih mer- 
chant on cheaper terms than by the Britifh. The rea- 
fon is obvious ; he can make up the manufactures 
for which he can exchange them, at a lefs expence ; 
and as he can alfo manufacture his fugar and tobacco 
cheaper, there is no doubt but he will fpeculate upon 
them to as great an extent as the Britifh merchants 
have hitherto done. The laft article in particular, 
the great and lucrative object of Britifh fpeculation, 

ar*4 



t ■*■•■ 1 

and the great fource of Britifli revenue, muft infal- 
libly become a monopoly to Ireland, as it has hitherto 
been to Great Britain, 

The author's argument, that becaufe Ireland has 
not fpeeulatcd for our markets on the fingle article of 
Weft-India produce that could have been imported' ( 
into this country through Ireland, is too abfurd to 
be noticed. When I come to conlider this article 
among the manufactures,, I fhall mew that Ireland 
gave a much more advantageous direction to her 
exertions, than to export the raw material to Great 
Britain on fpeculation. At any rate, if the fact, as 
to cotton wool, eftabliihes an argument in favour of 
the author, it eftabliihes, in the general queftion, a 
much flronger argument againft him. When he 
proves the increafed importation of raw cotton into 
Ireland, does he not, at the fame time, prove the 
increafe of the manufacture ? The proportion is 
highly alarming to the cotton manufacturers of Great 
Britain, even upon the author's ftatement of the in- 
creafe of the import from Great Britain to Ireland. 
But that ftatement, like all his other ftatements, is 
fallacious. He was aware of the danger to his ge- 
neral argument from what he had urged againft fpe- 
culation, and he added a note, apparently to prove 
his affertion ; but in fact to deceive his readers into 
an opinion that 14,253 lb. was the whole of the 
cotton wool imported into Ireland in 1784. The 
real quantity of cotton wool imported into Ireland 

F in 



C 4* ] 

in that year, was, from Great Britain, 313,6001b. 
and from America, 109,872 lb. Total, 423,472 lb. 

Betides thefe articles I have already mentioned as 
objects for fpeculation to the Irifh merchant he may 
alfo fpeculate upon every (pedes of foreign goods 
which may bear a low duty in Ireland, and a 
high duty in Great Britain. He may fpeculate 
upon French fugars for manufacture, and he caa 
procure them legally, for any thing that is pro- 
vided in the prefent refolutions ; or (what is 
equally left open by them) he may fmuggle thofc 
fugars in whatever quantities he may think the 
market will bear. Our author, indeed, afferts in 
his own decifive manner, and with his ufual neatnefs 
of ftyle, that the Weft-India planters " are not 
" within the poflibility of being affected by thefe 
u regulations in this refpeft ;" — " Becaufe the 
tc great danger to them is from our own iflands, 
" where the traders procure French fugars, and 
" obtain with great tafe the neceffary documents to 
" entitle them to obtain certificates from the Cuftom 
" Houfe." This is a new way to fatisfy men's 
minds on one eaufe of apprehenfion, by fuggefting 
another, and a greater evil. But then he infinuates, 
and with all the official affectation of fecrecy, that 
an effectual remedy is to be fuggefled — A remedy 
for the evil that threatens from Ireland, in confe- 
quence of the new regulations, the only evil in quef- 
tion ? No : but for the evil, which, he fays, the mer- 
chants apprehend from our iflands. With refpedt 

to 



[ 43 3 

to the other, the only obfervation he fuggefls is, 
that the importation of foreign colony produce is a$ 
ftrictly prohibited in Ireland as here, and that it is as 
much her interefl as it is our's to prevent their frau- 
dulent importation. This is begging the queftion 
with a vengeance. — If he could prove the latter 
afiertion, the controverfy would be at an end. 

But he adds, the Irifh revenue bufinefs is con- 
ducted with as much ability and attention there 
as in this, or probably any other country. That 
the firft Commiflloner of the revenue in Ireland 
was entitled to this compliment from the Secre- 
tary of the Treafury in England, is what I am not 
difpofed to call in doubt. But that the aflertion 
is not founded, except with refpeel to Dublin, and 
perhaps Corke, and fome other principal ports, is 
well known to every man the lead acquainted with 
that country. As the author, therefore, has fug- 
gefted no other remedy to Great Britain againft the 
evil of fmUggling but this fuppofed vigilance, difin- 
tereftednefs, and impartiality, in the Irifli revenue 
officers, let us fee how the matter is likely to 
(land. 

The Irifli merchant, when he has fupplied our; 
iflands with fuch part of his proviiions as may fuit 
his purpofes, will carry what remains on his hands 
to the foreign fettlements, and bartering them for 
their produce, either clandeftinely, or by taking 
advantage of the free ports they have eftabliihed, 

F % he 



I 44 ] 

lie will return with the mixed cargoes to Europe. 
Under the operation of Lord North's regulations, 
he could not land thofe cargoes, however procured, 
in Great Britain. The flridtnefs obferved in our 
ports would have obliged him to produce clearances 
to the full amount of every feparate article. But 
on the fouthern and weftern coafls of his own 
country, where it is well known no Cuftonvhoufe 
officer dare exert his authority, and where this 
country can have no power of punifhment over him 
for neglect of duty, he can land them in perfect 
fafety. The only danger of feizure will be in the 
very moment of his difembarking his goods ; and 
how little he has to dread a detection in that mo- 
ment, will be readily comprehended by thofe who 
are acquainted with the wild and thinly-inhabited 
ftate of the far greater proportion of the coafl of 
Ireland, which the fmuggler mull firft make on his 
return from the Weil Indies. After he has fecured 
this point of landing the goods, his vefTels will be 
permitted to clear out in the ports of Ireland for 
Great Britain with thofe very articles on board, 
either raw *, or in a manufactured ftate, and the 
clearances from the Irifh revenue officers will pro- 
tect them from all infpection on the part of the 
Britifh revenue officers when landed here. "J; The 

* It is well known to the trade, that in either of thefe dates it is 
impoflible to diftinguifh the growth of our plantations from the 
foreign growth. 

% The price of fugar in the foreign iflands is from 28 to 35s. cur* 
tency per cwt. In the BritiJh iflands from 3510 44s. currency. 

great 



[45 ] 

great difproportion between the original prices of 
our Weft-India produce, and that of the foreign 
fettlements ; the increafe of the commodity at the 
market, and the proportion of that commodity that 
will have evaded the payment of the high legal 
duties, being duly confidered, and joined to the many 
advantages already enumerated, which Ireland enjoys 
over us, fuch a competition will prefent itfelf to 
the Britifh planter and merchant, as muft leave 
them little hopes of fup porting their trade or their 
credit, or of paying the heavy taxes with which 
they ftand charged by Government. 

Such is the daager with which this country is 
threatened, from the facility given by the new 
fyftem for fmuggling foreign Weft-India productions 
into our market. How far the Minifter's anfwers 
to the queftions from the planters and merchants 
may have fatisfied the perfons who propofed them, 
that the evil can be averted, is left to thofe of them 
to judge, who have no other interefts to attend to, 
but their mercantile interefts. The principle upon 
which they feem to ground their fecurity, is in itfelf 
the moil likely means of increasing the danger. It 
is a principle of high and prohibitory duties ; and 
what encouragement the prefent Minifters, when it 
fuited their temporary views, conceived that prin- 
ciple to give to fmuggling, let the commutation 
tax determine. 

This 



C 46 ] 

This pamphlet would not bear the ftamp of its 
party, if the author had not a fling at the Coali- 
tion. To indulge himfelf in this favourite fubject, 
he anfwers one of the ftrongeft objections againfl 
the fyftem, by obferving, that Lord North and 
Mr. Fox had done a worfe thing than that with 
which they reproached Mr. Pitt. They reproached 
Mr. Pitt with entrufting the execution of our re- 
venue laws to the Irifh revenue officers. " Very 
" well," fays the author, " but what right have 
* c you to object to this ? Did not you, Lord North, 
U pafs the act of the 20th George III. ch. 10. and 
** you, Mr. Fox, the 22d George III, ch. 53 ?" 
That is to fay, *■ did not you, Lord North, lrave the 
" care of the Irifh revenue to Irijh officers ? And did 
" not you, Mr. Fox, admit the right of Ireland to le- 
" giflate for itfelf ? With what a bad grace, then, do 
" you, Lord North, object: to Mr. Pitt's conduct for 
" committing the care of the Britijh revenue to the 
u Irijh officers," (whofe certificates are not, in future, 
to be called in doubt by the Britifh revenue officers, 
relpecting any produce of the colonies, on importa- 
tion into this country through Ireland ?) " And you, 
" Mr. Fox, for leaving Lord North's act, in this 
" refpect, precifely on the footing you found it." I 
ihall leave fuch reafoning to be refuted by its own 
abfurdity. 

The only other objection to the fyftem, which 
our author thinks it necefTary to take notice of 
is, " that the Irifh can navigate cheaper than 

" this 



[ 47 3 

u this country, on account of the low prices of 
u provifions there." To this he anfwers, that pro- 
vifions are to be bought in London in fufficient 
quantities to victual merchant fhip», cheaper even 
than in the Irijh ports. The reader has had many 
proofs of the author's manner of reprefenting facts, 
and drawing conclufions to fuit his purpofes. — But 
here he exceeds himfelf — The foci: is certainly 
at he ftates it. — But as clearly as he knows 
the fact, he knows the caufes, and how far au- 
thentic information, fuch as ought to be relied on, 
was the object of his writing, may be judged 
from his fuppreffing that caufe. It proceeds folely 
from the quantity of provifions that remained at 
the time of the declaration of the peace, as well 
on board the men of war, as on board the victual- 
lers and tranfports attending our armies, and in 
the different garrifons. By far the greateft part of 
what was in the iflands, and in America, was fent 
back to England on Government account ; and this 
being added to the flock prepared, and preparing 
by the dealers, factors, and importers, produced 
fuch a glut, that provifions have fince been felling 
in the London market at whatever price the pur* 
chafers thought proper to give. As foon as this 
ftock is bought up, Ireland will regain her former 
advantage in the cheapnefs of this article. 

It is unneceffary to follow the author through 

the corollary he draws, as I hope I have already 

refute^ the petitions he pretends to have eftabliflied, 

2 I fliali 



C 48 ] 

I fhall juft obferve, that the inference he draws from 
thefe portions is, that in this part of the new fyftem 
Ireland is to get Nothing. 



I now come to the fecond head of reftraints, 

which, as the author informs us, Ireland defires may- 
be upon equal terms with Great Britain. Thefe re- 
flraints comprehend all articles which are the native 
growth, produce, or manufacture of Ireland, which 
are at prefent prohibited in this kingdom, or on 
the importation of which higher duties are i.npofcd 
than on the impofition of fimilar goods from this 
country into Ireland. In difcufEng this part of the 
fyftem, his firft care is to lay down the rule by 
which the intended equality is to be eftabliihed. — 
" All prohibitions are to be removed, and the loweft 
" duty now payable in either country, on any ar- 
sc tide, fhall be the ftandard for the future duty 
upon the fame article in both countries." 



«c 



Our author is fond of appealing (I mean in his 
anonymous character) to the opinion of merchants. 
I will here join with him in appealing to the una- 
nimous declarations of all the merchants and manu- 
facturers of Great Britain* whether fuch a principle, 
considering the relative fituations of the two coun- 
tries, 



[ 49 ) 

tries, can be called a principle of equality ; or whe* 
ther a fyftem, formed on fo erroneous a bafis, can 
promife any other refult than daily increafing jea- 
loufies and final ruin. The jealoufies, indeed, will 
be confined to Great Britain. She will, in future, 
be the complaining filter ; but it is not her cha- 
racter to confine herfelf long to ineffectual com- 
plaints — Slow to be roufed to the extreme of the na- 
tional fpirit, but firm and determined when the 
provocation calls for its interference, if once me 
begins to feel the effects of the new fyftem in the 
decreafe of her population, of her wealth, and of 
her revenues, it is not in the little policy of the pre- 
fent ruling powers, to fet bounds to her refentment, 
or to prefcribe how far ihe fhall or fhall not afTert 
her own juft rights. 

For this reafon, the negociators on the part of 
Ireland, whofe fuperior abilities, and whofe more 
comprehenfive knowledge of thefubject encouraged 
them to take advantage of the prefumption and 
inexperience of the perfons they had to manage here, 
have proved themfelves no friends to their own 
country. It is true, that they have made ample 
provifion for the immediate rapid increafe of her 
trade and manufactures. It is true that they have 
not left a (ingle point in which ihe could profit 
by the wealth, commerce, and revenues of Great 
Britain, which they have not improved with an un- 
diftinguifhing rapacity, that has never been extended 
except over a conquered country. But in this gene- 

G ral 



I 50 1 

fal plunder of whatever could fupporr the credit, 
the grandeur, and the power of Great Britain, they 
fhould have known that they were laying the foun- 
dation of their own ruin. They fhould have fore- 
fecn either that Great Britain would fet her all at 
flake rather than fubmit to fuch palpable injufttce 
and open robbery ; or, that if her ancient fpirit be 
loft, or her confidence in the prefent Minifter fo be- 
fotted, that fhe fhould tamely fubmit to this laft 
iifurpation of a reftlefs and infatiable rival, depopu- 
lation, bankruptcy, and a confequent degradation 
from the place fhe at prefent holds among the powers 
of the world, muft inevitably follow. And they 
muft be bad politicians indeed, who can confider 
the fituation of Ireland with refpecl: to Great Britain 
and the other neighbouring nations, and not be con- 
vinced, that even in the advanced flate of wealth and 
commerce, which fhe might attain by the time fuch an 
event mould take place, her fall muft be involved 
in that of this country. It would requite a long de- 
tail to unfold this proportion. I merely throw it out 
as a hint -to thofe fanguine, but fhort-lighted , 
friends of Ireland, who plume themfelves on the 
ingenuity with which they have tricked the Mini- 
fter of England, and obtained from his ignorance 
immediate benefits, at the riique of diftant ruin to 
both ftates. 

That they conceived themfelves to be bargaining 
for Ireland alone, and rhat the interefts of Great 
Britain were nothing in their confideration, the 

very 



[ a ] 

very principle which they induced the Minifter to 
accept as the bafis of the agreement, is the ftrongeft 
proof. That principle was no fooner publicly de- 
clared, than the univerlal voice of the trade and ma- 
nufacture of Great Britain pronounced it to be par- 
tial, unjuft, and ruinous. Under a pretext of be- 
ing equal, it was declared to be oppreffively ine- 
quitable. By an inverted and prepoflerous inter- 
pretation of reciprocity, it delivered over to Ireland 
the whole trade of Great Britain, without ftipulating 
any equivalent whatever in return. For articles to 
the amount of about 30,000b fent to Ireland by 
Great Britain duty free, it confented to admit arti- 
cles equally free from Ireland into Great Britain, to 
the amount of upwards of 2,ooo,oool. annually: 
while all the other Britifh manufactures, in which the 
whole of her trade with Ireland confifts, were to be 
fent into that kingdom burdened with duties, which 
in all cafes muft eftablifh a preference in favour of 
the like fabrics there, and in many inftances actually 
amount to a total prohibition. Such was the unani- 
mous opinion of that, defcription of men, who, from 
their experience and practical knowledge, are bed 
qualified to determine on fuch a fubject. Who then 
can be fo partial, or fo bliniled by prejudice, as to 
doubt of the ignorance and incapacity of the ne- 
gociators on the part of Great Britain, in admit- 
ting a principle for the bafis of the treaty, which 
it required not a moment's intelligent confideration 
to reprobate as palpably deftructive to her interefts ? 
But, I repeat it, no ignorance on their part Ihouid 

G z have 



[ 5* ] 

have tempted the other negociators to propofe a fyf- 
tem which muft involve Great Britain in ruin, if ac- 
cepted, or which, by being propofed, might endan- 
ger the peace of both countries, in urging the one, 
to require fuch fubmiffions as nothing but compul- 
fion and the ftrong hand of a conqueror could wreft 
from the other. 

If the Secretary of the Treafury and the other 
friends of the Miniflcr, attempt to defend' him 
againil this imputation of ignorance, they mull 
be aware, that they will lay him open to a much 
more criminal charge. Without dwelling upon the 
obftinacy with which he perfiils in forcing thefe de- 
flrudtive regulations upon the country, what can be 
fairer than to afk why he had not taken care to ob- 
tain that information with a view to deliberation, 
and previous to decifion, which he afterwards ob- 
tained with an evident view to defence. Partial as 
is the Report of the Privy Council, and imperfect 
as they acknowledge it themfelves to be, from the 
little time allowed them to collect information, yet 
it contains evidence on fome important points that 
alone would have convinced him that the bafis of 
the fyflem was erroneous, and that it was laid with 
a view to deceive and enfnare him. But the evi- 
dence appeared too late for any wife or prudent 
purpofes. The refolutions * had been framed and 

tranf- 

* The gentlemen who managed this bufinefs on the part of Ire= 
land, left London with the refolutions, drawn up as they were af-» 

tcrwards 



[ 53 1 

tranfmitted to Ireland long before the Committee 
had been appointed to meet : They had been ac- 
cepted and ratified by the Irifh Parliament a fort- 
night before the Committee had made their re- 
port. It is, therefore, evident, that the informa- 
tion collected from the merchants and manufactu- 
rers was not fought for with a view to the formation 
of a juft and equitable arrangement of trade between 
the two kingdoms, but to collect as many plaufibie 
arguments againft future oppofition as the manu- 
facturers might be feduced to fuggeft from a partial 
and limited examination, the real object of which 
was concealed from them *• 

Called together for fuch purpofes, and entering 
fully into the views of the Miniiler who had made 
the appeal to their friendly difcjetion, the public 
will not think the accounts they have received of 
the proceedings of this Committee extraordinary 
or •unnatural. Infidious interrogatories that fug- 
gefted their own anfwers ; reflricted evidence, than 
was deemed unfatisfaftory in proportion as it tended 
to throw light upon the fubject, and partial obferv- 
ations that generally contradict the information on 

tervvards ratified by the Irifh Parliament, in the latter end of Dc 
cemberj the Committee was not appointed to meet till the 14th of 
January. The refolutions were voted in the Houfe of Commons of 
Ireland the 7th of February : the Report of the Committee is dated 
the 1 ft of March. 

* See their own evidence before the Houfe of Commons, 

which 



C 54 j 

which they profefs to be founded, muft have been 
expected to form the Report of fuch a Board. 

In this perverfion of the inftitution, the Minifler 
is the more culpable, as no mode could have been 
better calculated for collecting the necefTary docu- 
ments towards the completion of fo important a bu- 
finefs. Had a committee, entrufted with the fame 
powers, been timely or properly appointed ; had it 
received inftructions to collect information on a ge- 
neral fcale of commercial intercourfe between the 
two countries, and with a view of balancing the 
advantages of each on the only true bafis of equi- 
table interchange, their Repprt muft have contained 
a valuable collection of profemonal ftatements and 
practical pbfervations, of which Government would 
have availed itfel£ in forming its determination. — 
The perfons who have fo pointedly condemned the 
Minifter's fyftem, were the very perfons examined 
by the Lords of the Privy Council. They would 
have delivered the fame opinions to the Board which 
they now deliver to the Public : and though obfti- 
riacy and pride may refufe to correct pail errors, or 
to retract what has been once determined, left 
It ihould imply an acknowledgment of ignorance, yet 
It is fcarcely in youth, with all its prefumption and 
arrogance, to have originally admitted a principle 
condemned by fuch authority* 

I deemed it efTential to give this account of the 
proceedings of the Minifler in this part of the bu- 

finef&j 



t 55 1 

fcnefs, of the fteps that led to the formation of the 
Committee of the Privy Council, and of the pur- 
pofes for which they were appointed, as it is from the 
Report of this Committee that our author profeffes 
to borrow all the facts and arguments on which he 
grounds the defence of that part of the new fyftem 
which remains to be examined. 



SILKS. 

The only one of the prohibited articles he takes 
into his consideration is Jilk, In this, be apprehends, 
that Great Britain cannot be much in danger from 
the rivalfhip of Ireland, and the very frrft argument 
he ufes to prove this aflertion is that " Who- 
" ever has the raw material cheapefi will have 
the advantage" The Irifh manufacturer has the 
raw iilk cheaper than the Britifh, as iofd is to 
4s. 6d. and the thrown filk as as. are to 7s. 4d. 
Therefore, fays our author, upon his own argument, 
Great Britain has nothing to fear from Ireland. 

The filk manufacturers, however, are of a very 
different opinion from the Secretary of the Trea- 
fury on the fubject of their apprehenfions. They 
have not hefitated to affert, that the Britifh manu- 
facturer, fuppofing the duties in both countries to 
be equalized, would have every reafon to dread a 
competition from the Irifh^ even in the Britifh mar > 

2 ker. 



[ 56 ] 

Icet. They declare their apprehenfions, that, by the 
intended regulations, a door would be opened for 
the importation of great quantities of foreign filk 
manufactures through Ireland ; and they add, in 
contradiction to what this author affirms, that the 
cheapnefs of labour in Ireland may enable her, at 
no very diflant period, to deprive us of this great 
and lucrative branch of manufacture*. To thefe 
declarations the whole body of filk manufacturers 
throughout Great Britain have given their affent by 
their petitions to Parliament. 

'The following accounts will mew in what proportion the exported 
filks and mixture of filks from Ireland have increafed in three years ; 

i?8i, ... 

The firfl year of any account of exportation of filks or mixture of 
filks on the Cufiom-houfe book : 



Ribbands 
Manufactured filk 
Thrown, dyed 



Ribbands 
Manufactured filk 



I782, 



*?S3> 



lb. 


oz. 


13 


3 


430 




*5 





*9 


4 


3 70 


3 


5*4 


14 


3329 


9 


3°9 





ac&4 


nk 



Ribbands - 

Manufactured filk 
Thrown, dyed 
Manufactured, mixed 

* Vide Report of the Committee of Privy Council, under the 
article filk. 

WOO L« 



[ 57 1 



WOOLLEN MANUFACTURE. 

That branch of this manufa&ure, in which per- 
haps there is lefs fear -of an early rivalfhip than in 
any other manufacture, is that on which our author 
choofes to bellow no lefs than ten pages. In the 
new draperies, that is, in the mixed woollens, Ireland 
has already made great advances towards a compe- 
tition with this country. But this, the author af- 
fures us, is of no great confequence, as it is a lefs 
Valuable branch of the trade than the manufacture 
of the finer cloths. By lefs valuable, as he tells us, 
he means that one cofts 14s. a yard, the other only 
2s. 6d* I feled: this obfervation, that the manufac- 
turer may fee* on what juft and fkilful principles the 
only gentleman to whom they are always referred 
by the Minifler on any application to the Treafury 
on matters of trade, eftimates the general value of 
any branch of manufacture to the country. 

Another deep obfervation, and which he is parti- 
cularly anxious to have remembered through the 
whole of his reafoning, as effential to its being under- 

* By this rule the manufacture of fine woollen cloth is more valu* 
able to Ireland than her linens, as ihe gets las. a yard for the one, 
and, in general, but from 2s, to 5s. far the other. 

H flood, 



t 58 3 

ftood, is, that the woollen trade is one that limits 
itfelf. — That there is a certain line, beyond which there 
is a natural impqffibility of going ; and what do you 
think that line is ? Why, the quantity of wool which 
is grown. A mod important difcovery! But to ex- 
plain it the more diftincHy to common apprehen- 
fions, the Secretary fhould have inftanced fome of 
thofe natural productions, of which we may ma- 
nufacture a greater quantity than is growth 

The wide range which he takes through the-iheep- 
walks of Ireland, he tells us, would not have been 
neceflary, if the examination of the manufacturers 
before the Committee of Privy Council had a chance 
of being univerfally read. One would be apt to in- 
fer from this, that in his book, which he concludes 
will be univerfally read, we ihould find at leaft the 
fubftance of that examination ; yet, upon comparing 
them, I do not find the fubftance of a fingle evidence 
tranferibed from the Report. Inftead, therefore, of 
following him through his inppofitions and fpecu- 
lations on what Ireland may or may not do with her 
fheep-walks, or her wool, I fhall lay before the 
reader the moil: material information contained in 
the evidence of the woollen manufacturers. 

All the Jiuff manufatlurers agree that they cannot 
procure fufficient Englijh woollen yarn for the ex- 
tent to which they now carry on their bufinefs. They 
muft, therefore, continue to purchafe Irijh woollen 

yarn 



C 59 1 

yarn at whatever advanced price * the new duties on 
it will occafion. This is fuppofing that Ireland will 
continue to export it in the fame quantities as fhe 
has hitherto done ; but that fhe will not continue to 
export it in the fame quantities, is molt probable. 
It cannot be fuppofed that fhe will not prefer ex- 
porting it in a manufactured, to an unmanufactured 
ftate ; and when we confider the rapid increafe fhe 
has made in the export of thofe manufactures of her 
own, in which woollen yarns are employed, fince 
fhe had the foreign markets opened for her, we 
cannot but conclude that fhe will have full employ- 
ment for all her yarns in her own looms, now that 
an additional and a nearer market is opened to her. 

Let us take the year 1780, the year when her 
reflraints were firft removed, we find her exports of 
new draperies were only 8,653 yards. In 1783, fhe 
exported of ditto 538,806 yards; confequently, in 
three years, fhe increafed her exports 330,133 yards. 

Our author, in one of his own ftatements, fhews 
how much the importation of Irifh wool and woollen 

* This, I take it, will be 10 per cent, on the value.— My reafon 
for thinking fo is, that in the fpirit of the regulations, where there 
is an exifting duty in one country on an article that is imported duty 
free into the other, that exifting duty is to become the common duty. 
Englifh yarn, imported into Ireland, pays 10 per cent on the value ; 
from this it will follow, that inftead of purchafing Irifh yarn, 6 per 
cent, lefs, including all cofts, than Englifh yarn, as is now done, 
the manufacturer mult purchafe it 4 per cent, dearer. 

H 2 yarns 



I 60 ] 

yarns into this country decreafed from the time of 
opening the foreign markets. In the year ending in 
1779, fhe exported 104,817 {tones. In the year 
ending 1783, me exported only 68,740; decreafe 
36,177 ftones. It is true, he alfo gives a flatement 
to prove, that within that period, Ireland increafed 
her imports of new draperies, or mixed woollens* 
from this country ; but this makes nothing to the 
argument, as it may be eafily accounted for by the 
increafe of her confumption. But my inference is 
ftrengthened by the firfl of his flatements ; for in 
proportion as the manufacture of Irim woollen mix- 
tures increafed, the exports of Irim wool and wool- 
len yarns into this country decreafed. The raw ma- 
terials being, therefore, likely to become fcarcer 
and dearer every day, and the Irim manufacturer 
having thofe materials at the accuftomed cheap rate 
of that country ; and adding to this advantage the 
cheapnefs of provisions and of labour, and of every 
article neceflary to the manufacture, and a com- 
parative exemption from internal taxation it mull 
be left to the trade itfelf to decide upon the de- 
clarations which, the author tells them/ have been 
delivered by fome of their brethren to the Privy 
Council — That " they hardly felt any apprebenfions 
" from the new regulations." 

With refpect to the old draperies, in which are 
included the fineft cloths, I have already faid, that 
this branch of the manufacture may not be 
immediately afTeded by the new fyftem ; but the 

manu- 



[ a ] 

manufacturers themfclves, notwithstanding the an* 
thor's afiertions to the contrary, have exprefTed 
apprehenfions with regard to the future. One of the 
principal reafons affigned by the evidence before the 
Committee, why Ireland does not manufacture a 
greater quantity of finer cloth, is, that they have 
not at prefent a fuffisient number of ikilful workmen 
to engage in it. From the vicinity of the two 
countries, and from the extraordinary bounties given 
for the encouragement of the manufacture of fine 
cloths by the Dublin Society, this circumftance is 
not likely to operate long in our favour. 

The author afTerts that the Irim have no wool 
that will anfwer the purpofe of making cloths worth 
more than eight millings a yard ; but Mr. Everett, a 
gentleman employed in the export of woollens to 
Ireland, and whofe teftimony the author will not in 
general be difpofedto reject, fays expremy, that they 
jnake cloths as high as twelve millings a yard; and 
he adds, that the wool employed in thofe cloths mult 
be fit to mix with the SpanifTi wools. Our fecond 
cloths are made of a mixture of Spanifh wool and 
the finer and coarfer Engllfh wools ; and the fine 
cloths of the Devizes and the country about it, are 
entirely made of the Spanifh *. This we are obliged 

to 

* I can hardly conceive that thefe circumftances could be un- 
known to the meeting of perfons concerned in the woollen bufmefs, 
lately held at Salifbury ; and yet they do not appear from the refolu- 
tions to have made any part of the deliberations of the meeting. It is 

pretty 



[ 6* ] 

to import as well as the Irtfh, and they can procure 
k at the fame original price with us, and at a lefs 
expence of freight. 

If the Irifh manufacturers have not as yet turned 
their attention to this importation, or to any other 
plan of improving their manufacture of fine woollens 
to an extent to alarm us , it is becaufe their exclufion 
from the Britim market gave them no encourage- 
ment to divert any part of their capital from their 
linens. The foreign markets could not give them 
fufficient encouragement, though it appears that 
their exports to thofe markets have increafed con- 
fiderably *. confidering the infancy of the trade. 
But now that the Britim market is opened to 
them, with all the encouragements of fhorter con- 
veyance, quicker fale, and fpeedier returns, is it 
to be doubted that they will improve the lo- 
cal advantages they poiTefs in all fpecies of manu- 

prctty evident that party outweighed even felf intereft upon that oc- 
casion. Nothing can be more abfurd than the principal reafon they 
afiign for the trade's being in no danger. In the firft place, it is not 
true that the Englifh woollen yarn may not be imported into Ireland 
in confequence of the refolutions. In the next place, a prohibition 
on its exportation to that country is unneceflfary, as the Irifh would 
not receive it. They have frequently petitioned againft its admiffion. 
What, therefore, could be more extraordinary than the meetings fe- 
Iccting this as the next fatisfa&ory reafon to the Minister's promifes 
for thinking themfelves in no danger. 

* In i7$o, me exported, of old draperies, 494yards: in 178$, 
40,589 yards. Of new draperies or mixed woollens, fhe exported in 
^780, 8,653 yards: in 1783, 538,061 yards. 

faclure 



C 6 3 ] 

fa&ure to the improvement of this, the great object 
of their wifhes ? For it is remarkable that this is * 
the manufacture which England has ever been the 
moft jealous to retain, and Ireland the mofl defirous 
to acquire. The rapid advances me once made in it 
gave the mofl ferious alarm to our anceftors ; and it 
was to fecure the market of it to ourfelves, and to ex- 
clude her from it, that we gave her the monopoly 
of her linens, and all the encouragements with which 
we protected that ftaple of her trade. Yet, notwith- 
flanding all the advantages {he has derived from 
this monopoly, and from thefe encouragents, Hie has 
been ever complaining that ihe paid too dear a price 
for it by the reftraints on her woollens. All her 
nonimportation agreements originated from her 
woollen-drapers. Their impatience to rival our ma- 
nufactures, would not furTer them to wait the effe&s 
of the trade with our colonies, nor of the extraordi- 
nary bounties they drew from their own Parliament, 
to enable them to fupply their own confumption. — 
As long as their markets were open to our draperies, 
they confidered every other advantage as ineffectual. 
But infteadof the prohibitory duties which they called 
for from their Parliament, with a view to exclude us, 

* It may give the reader fome idea of the extent to which Ireland 
carried on this trade before the prohibitions laid on in 1699, to ftate 
her exports in 1688 : 

To England. Scotland. Elfewhere. 

Old drapery i| pieces 2 %\ pieces 250* pieces 

New ditto 600 yards 2128 yards 20566 yards 
Frizes 127601 yards 1355 yards 537H5 yards 

the 



[ 64 ] 

the Irifh negociators and the Britifh Minifter have 
propofed to reverfe the tables. They would open the 
Britifh market to the Irifh manufacturer, and thus 
cancel, the only remaining obligation of the ancient 
compact that reftrains the woollens of Ireland, without 
ftipulating the leaft alteration in the article of her 
linens. 

While a dangerous competition is thus to be en- 
couraged in the home markets, effectual care has 
been taken by the negociators from Ireland, that we 
mould not indemnify ourfelves, by opening any frefh 
vent for our woollens in the markets abroad. Ger- 
many, who has no other returns to make for our 
woollen cloths but her linens, and who has ever 
been defirous to encourage this and every other Britifh 
manufacture, on terms of reciprocity, is, by the 
provifions of the new regulations, to be for ever 
poftponed to Ireland. No offer on her part, how- 
ever tempting or advantageous to our intereft, can 
be received by us ♦, the Irifh linens are to continue 
duty free for ever, and an effeftual preference is to be 
fecured to them over the linens of every other 
country. 

Rufila, whofe partiality to the Britifh intereft and 
Britifh manufactures held out fuch profpects of com- 
mercial advantages to this country, has been already 
compelled, by our impolitic regulations in favour of 
Irifh linens, to lay oppreffive impofts upon feveral 
of our moft valuable articles of export. This dis- 
advantage, 



t 65 i 

Advantage, which might have been only temporary* 
the intended fyftem is to render perpetual. 

What is here obferved, refpecling the woollen and 
linen manufactures, is equally applicable to every 
article of our commerce with foreign dates. The 
confluences of the ninth refolution extend to them 
all, and muft prove as humiliating to our indepen- 
dence, as they will be deftrudtive to our interefts. 
From the moment we bind ourfelves to the terms of 
this agreement, we cannot ftipulate a fingle advan- 
tage in the market of any other nation ; we cannot 
form a treaty of commerce with any other flate - 7 
we cannot provide for our revenue, by laying the 
fmalleft duty on any article of future importa- 
tion, without previoufly consulting the Parliament 
of Ireland. In fhort, we are to fubmit to ah 
adoption of a new Poyning's law, and to wear 
the fame (hackles on our commercial independence* 
which Ireland fo long wore in her legiflative capacity,, 
This the author and his friends may fay is reciprocity ; 
but of this, or of any of the great points to which 
thefe reflections lead^ he takes not the fmalleft notice. 
Indeed, this is but one of the numberlefs proofs he 
gives of his pamphlet's being the production^ 
not of any perfon who has any intereft in pro- 
tecting the trade, or any duty in defending the reve- 
nue of Great Britain, but of fome advocate for the 
claims of Ireland, who is to keep out of light 
whatever may operate againft the fide on which he 
is to argue* 

l kEFXNED 



t 66 ] 



REFINED SUGARS. 

The author's ftatcment of the difference between 
the Englifh and Irifh duty on raw fugar, was true, 
prior to 1780. Since that period, the duty of raw 
fugar, coming from England , is the fame as if it 
came dire&ly from the Weil Indies, which, by a& 
of Parliament, muft be the fame as that paid in 
England. In fairnels, he ihould have faid. that the 
Engl iib exporter draws back the whole of the duty 
paid on importation of the raw material, whether he 
exports in a manufactured or raw Hate ; and prior to 
1780, he had a bounty upon the loaf fugar, which 
operated againft the 12s. duty paid in Ireland* 

The real difficulty under which the Irifh refiner la- 
bours, and the advantages enjoyed by the Englifh at 
prefent, is the means of difpofing of the baftard and 
molafTes, the two inferior articles produced by the re- 
finers. In Ireland, the great confumption is of refined 
or loaf fugars, and there being no market for the baf- 
tard or molafTes, the refiner is under the neceffity of 
making his return upon the loaf fugar, which makes 
that article very dear in Ireland. The Englifh re- 
finer, on the contrary, has a fure market for both ; 
the common people ufe the baftard with their tea, 
and the diftillers take off the molafTes, and he can 
e^nfeeu ntly afford to fell his loaf fugar at a lefs 

price, 



[ «7 3 . 

j>rke, and does in fact meet the Iriih refiner at hik 
own market. 

By th« refolutions propofed by Mr. Pitt, the 
baftard fugar and molafTes will be importable into 
England. The duties in this country, pretending to 
be proportionate to the drawbacks in England, muft 
neceflarily be very low on thefe articles ; but fup- 
pofing it to be as high in proportion as that paid on 
the loaf fugar, the Irifh refiner will have all the ad- 
vantages in the baftard and molafTes in England, 
which the Englifh has in the loaf in Ireland, and 
the Iriih will import a greater quantity of the raw 
material, as foon as they find a ready market for 
thofe articles which they cannot now difpofe of. 
The difference of price of molafTes in England 
and Ireland is, at this time, eighteen and nine 
Shillings. 

The fugar refiners will not be the only perfpns 
materially affected by this part of the refolutions. — 
The importation of molafTes at a low price will 
neceffarily lower the price in Great Britain, and en- 
courage the diftillery of molafTes to the prejudice of 
the malt diftillery. 



COTTON. 

Here the author is confeious that he has got 
upon dangerous ground. He enters into no details 

I 2 upon 



[ 68 ] 

upon this article, as he did on the woollen manu- 
facture ; he avoids all the points on which the corn- 
petition between the two countries mult turn, and 
the only cpniideration he urges to perfuade the 
Britifh manufacturer that he has no danger to 
apprehend, is a long inapplicable account of the 
different charges upon Irilh woollen yarn in its way 
to a manufactured Itate in this country. Yet, in 
the Report of the Committee, from which he pro- 
fefTes to take his materials, he could have found 
the molt alarming evidence, on which a Secretary 
of the Treafury might have thought it elTential to 
allay the public fears. This evidence has been 
fince Itrengthened by the examination of the cot- 
ton manufacturers before the Houfe of Commons, 
and I Ihall briefly Itate the fubltance of both, that 
the author, in his next gratuitous edition, may have 
an opportunity of difproving* them. 

From the Report qf jthe Committee, it appeared 
that the Manchefter manufacturers have loft alrnoft 
the whple of tlie Irilh trade. 

That they have almolt wholly loft the foreign mar- 
kets in ; ome confiderable articles, and that they are 
greatly underfold every where, 

That in the fame rapid proportion as they have 
declined, the Irilh, who have engaged in the fame 
manufacture, have extended their trade. 

The 



t 6 9 3 

The following ftatements, inferted in the Report, 
prove thefe affertions to be well founded. 

In 1783, there was an export of about 130,000 
• fquare yards of printed cotton and callicoes ro Ire- 
land, from the port of Chefter only, from the 
month of July to December : But in the fix months 
from July to December, 1784, only 18,000 yards, 
were exported from the fame place. The fame de- 
creafe was obfervable in the other ports. 

In the fuftian branch of this buflnefs, there was 
exported from Great Britain to Ireland, by one 
houfe, from October 1783, to January 1784, 5000I. 
worth of goods; but from October 1784, to Ja- 
nuary 1785, that houfe, which is by far the firft 
in Manchefter in the Irifh trade, did not fend a 
a fingle piece, nor receive a fingle order, but to the 
amount of 60L 

Another houfe, which, from January 1783, to 
Auguft 1784, fent 6,271!. 19s. worth of goods to 
Ireland, has from that time fent none, and has re- 
ceived no commiflion, but from 200L to 300], 

With refpect to the trade of Ireland, the export 
of cotton and manufactured goods mixed with cot-' 
ton, to America, was, in 1781, 145L 12s. 4d. and 
in 1784, 8,3191. 18s. 2d. 

The export of fuftians to America was in 1781, 
1,108 yards; in 1784, 47> 2 37- 

If 



[ 7° 3 

If Ireland has profited fo much by a diftant 
trade which is but in its infancy, what have we not 
to dread from her having a near market opened to 
her, where me will enjoy all the advantages enume- 
rated in the evidence of the manufacturers before the 
Houfe of Commons. That evidence is decifive 
upon the points in queftion. Before the Houfe of 
Commons the manufacturers were allowed to de- 
liver their teflimonies without being retrained or 
circumfcribed, or having opinions imputed to them 
which they had never maintained. 

They have declared, that the increafe of capU 
tal, from duties, and from the difference in price of 
labour, to the Britiih manufacturer in his competi- 
tion with the Irifh, is 20 per cent, on the coarfer, 
and 30 per cent, on the finer goods, 

That, taken on an average in all the different 
branches, the price of labour in Ireland is from four 
to five millings a week; in England, eight mil- 
lings. 

That the Britiih manufacturer is nine months in 
advance for excife duties on fome branches of his ma- 
nufacture before they are ready for the market, and 
fix months on others, while the Irifh manufacturer 
is not to be called on for that excife till his goods 
are in the market ; and even then, the Englifhman 
who buys the articles^ is the perfon who eventually 
pays the excife. 

That 



[ 7* ] .' 

' That after paying a duty of iof per cent, which 
is the intended regulation, the Irifh manufacturer 
could import his goods into Great Britain 12 or 
13 per cent, cheaper than tke Britifh manufacturer 
can afford to fell. 

With refpect to the printing bufinefs, the manu- 
facturers agree with the author that there is no dan- 
ger of immediate competition. This branch re- 
quires more fkill than the others, and the Irifh are 
obliged to give great wages to encourage printers 
from this country to work for them. But then 
for one perfon employed in the printing branch the 
other branches employ nineteen. 

Upon this particular manufacture, the opening of 
the Britifh market to Ireland will have an immediate 
effect from the advanced ftate which it has already 
attained in Ireland. The delay and expence of car- 
riage to London/ will be little more to the Irifh than 
it is to the Lancafhire manufacturer ; and he can 
draw immediately for a great part of the amount of 
his goods. He will, therefore, come directly to us, 
that he may obtain a capital for foreign markets, and 
be thus enabled to underfel us abroad by the very 
profits which he makes at our expence at home, 
The prefent manufacturers, as far as they are indi- 
vidually concerned, may, indeed, fecure themfelves 
from this danger; they may emigrate with their ca- 
pitals, their ftock, and their workmen, and leave 
this country to lament her decreafe of trade, reve- 
nue, 



[ 7* ] 

nue, and population. Can our author fuggeft any 
tnode to prevent this ? 



L E A T H E ft. 

On this article our author beftows but a very few 
•words — I fuppofe from a principle of decency, be- 
caufe he was defirous of making as few mifreprefen- 
tations as he could. Ireland, he fays, labours under 
many difadvantages in the manufacture of leather, but 
the many appear to be but one, viz. fhe pays a great 
price for foreign bark. This, if meant in compa- 
nion of the price of bark to the Britifli tanner, is 
not true. She pays very little more for her tanning 
bark than we pay, at lead the difference bears no 
proportion whatever to the exemption from excifes 
and the cheapnefs of labour, which the author ad- 
mits. — But all this, he fays, is of no confequence, all 
fire defires is the liberty of fending it into the Britifli 
marker. The proof this ingenious gentleman gives 
that there is no danger in Ireland's importing lea- 
ther into the Britiih market is, that fhe defires fhe 
may import it — But" then fhe is to pay an import 
duty. By which of the refolutions is fhe to pay this 
duty, and what is the amount ? With regard to the 
excife to which Irifli leather is to be fubjedl on im- 
portation, it is the Britifli purchafer who will even- 
tually pay it, and not the Irifli manufacturer* — The 
Uuth is,, there is not an article more eflentially en- 
dangered 



[ 73 3 

dangered by the hew fyftem than this of leather. 
It is one of the natural manufactures of Ireland, and 
one of the articles which (he will immediately fend 
to the Britifh market. 



SOAP and CANDLES. 

Here we have another inflance of the author's 
unfairnefs in avoiding the difcuffion of every article 
that chiefly affects the caufe which he has engaged to 
plead. From all he chufes to fay on the manufacture 
of foap and candles, one would conclude > either that 
the manufacture was no object, or that it was not 
the lead endangered by the new fyftem. The fact, 
however, is, that this manufacture is of the greatefl 
confequence, as an object both of trade and of reve- 
nue, and that the new fyftem will completely anni- 
hilate it in this country. This the author ought to 
have collected from the evidence before the Com- 
mittee of the Privy Council. That evidence goes in 
the firft place to eftablifh the advantages which Ire- 
land muft enjoy over England in the cheapnefs of 
the materials. It proves That a great part of the tal- 
low manufactured in England is imported from Ire- 
land. 

That this tallow has been charged with a duty 
is. 6d. per hundred on exportation, which the Bri- 
tifh manufacturer muft continue to pay for, but to 
which the Irilh will not be nibject, 

K That 



[ 74 ] 

That Great Britain pays a duty of 5s. 2§d. per hun- 
dred on barilla, which the Irifh mull ever import 
duty free, as an article ufed in bleaching of their 
linen. 

That Great Britain imports from Ireland great 
quantities of kelp, which is a neceffary ingredient in 
the foap manufacture, at a duty of is. 6d. per ton, 
to which the Irifh foap-boilers cannot be fubject, 
and that if Great Britain imports this article frora 
other countries, fhe pays a Mill higher duty. 

As to the other difad vantages, the evidence 
proves, that even on a fuppofition that Irifh candles 
were to be made fubject to the fame duties upon im- 
portation into Great Britain as candles manufactured 
in Great Britain pay at prefent upon importation into 
Ireland, and that thefe duties were ftrictly collected, 
{till they mould apprehend a competition in the 
market of Great Britain in confequence of the new 
fyftem. The reafons the manufacturers afflgn for this 
apprenfion, are thefe: — The Englifh manufacturer 
pays his duty at the time of making his candles, 
which is generally fix months previous to the fale of 
them. The Irifh will pay it only on importation, 
when his candles are brought to market; and this 
difadvantage they eftimate at two and a half per 
cent. The difference in wages is three and three quar- 
ters per cent. 



The 



[ 75 ] 

The foap-boilers confider the different charges to 
which they are liable, and from which the Irifh are 
exempt, at ss. 6d. per hundred on hard foap. 

The obvious inference to be drawn from this evi- 
dence is, that under all thefe difadvantages, and 
confidering the quantity of tallow produced in Ire- 
land, the Britifh tallow-chandler muft indifputably 
and immediately be driven from his own market by 
the Irifh, as he has already been driven by him from 
the American and Weft-Indian markets. The only 
fecurity the manufacturers can fuggeft is a duty upon 
importation equivalent to all tne enumerated difad- 
vantages. But by the fourth refolution, no fuch 
duty can be impofed. A halfpenny a pound is the 
duty at prefent paid on the importation of Brititli 
candles into Ireland, and no higher duty can be laid 
on Irifh candles imported into Great Britain; while 
the advantages enjoyed by Ireland, ftated by the ma- 
nufacturers, amount to fix and a quarter per cent. 
Befides all this, the Irifh will no longer fupply us 
with the quantity of tallow they have hitherto im- 
ported, as they will prefer fending it in a manu- 
factured to an unmanufactured flare. — The diffe- 
rence of the duty is only a halfpenny a pound. — But 
if they mould continue to import it, the duty of 
is. 6d. on the importation into this country muft 
ftill continue, and operate fo much in favour of the 
Irifh manufacturer in addition to the Cix and a quar- 
ter per cent, mentioned above. 

K 2 With 



[ 7* ] 

With refpect to foap, Ireland muft at all times 
have the advantage over Great Britain in that arti- 
cle. She has her hemp and her barilla, duty free $ 
and fhe has her fuel, labour, and provifions cheaper. 



IRON, 

The author admits the immenfely difproportionate 
advantages which Ireland potteries over Great Bri- 
tain in this great and important branch of the manu- 
factures of this country, from the different duties 
on the importation of the raw material. This duty 
is 2I. £s. a ton cheaper in Ireland than in Great Bri- 
tain. But to remove this difficulty the author fug- 
gefts, that the duty on the importation of iron muft 
be raifed by Ireland to the fame rate as the Britifh 
duty, or that equalizing duties muft be laid on Irifh 
manufactured iron imported into this country. 

I perfectly agree with the Secretary of the Trea- 
fury that fuch a regulation is necejfary : but the refo-. 
lutions make no fuch provifion, nor will they admit 
of its being made. The trade alfo agree with him, 
and on their application to him, he agreed with the 
trade; but when he did fo, he appears, to have, 
fpoken without authority ; for the Minifter refufed 
to confirm the hopes which the Secretary had raifed, 
by candidly acknowledging his apprehenfions that 
Ireland would not be prevailed on to augment the 
duties on iron fo as to equalize them with ours. 

The 



'[ 77 1 

The evil to this country from the inequality to 
/duties on the importation of bar iron was effectually 
guarded againft with refpect to the commerce with 
America and foreign States, by a duty of al. ios. 
on all bar iron, and 3I. 3s. 1 id. on every ton of ma- 
nufactured iron exported to the Britifh colonies in 
America and on the coaft of Africa. This duty was 
impofed by Ireland in compliance with the conditions 
me had entered into on receiving the liberty of a free 
trade with the colonies. But under the new fyflem 
we can have no fuch fecurity for the Britifh market, 
on its being opened to the importation of Irifh ma- 
nufactured iron ; as there is nothing provided that 
can make Ireland increafe her duties either on im- 
portation or exportation. 

The only remedy would be to lower the duties on 
the importation of bar iron into Great Britain to the 
(fondard of Ireland ; but this would prove as de- 
(Iruclive as the very evil it would be defigned to pre- 
vent. It would eflentially injure the manufacture of 
iron in Great Britain, which promises to be one 
of the mod flourifhing branches of our manufac- 
ture; and which at prefent amounts to nearly a mil- 
lion annually ; and would reduce the revenue above 
150,0001. per annum *. 

CORN. 



* To acquire a complete and fatisfa&ory knowledge of the pre- 
fent Hate of the iron manufacture in Great Britain, of its increafing 
importance as an article of commerce and revenue, and of the dan- 
ger 



[ 78 ] 



CORN. 

This article the author treats very (lightly •, all the 
difficulties, he fays, are trifling, and may beadjufted. 
Scotland, however, fees a violation of the treaty of 
Union in the new regulations refpecling the impor- 
tation of corn from Ireland, and the moft imminent 
danger to her landed intereft. Yarmouth, and the 
whole county of Norfolk have alfo petitioned againft 
the refolution that is to regulate the corn trade. 



Thus have I followed the Secretary of the Trea- 
sury through the feveral articles which he fays are 
moil: likely to be immediately affected by the new 
regulations ; and I have occafionally taken notice of 
the Report of the Committee of Council, to which he 



get with which it is threatened from fuch an arrangement of trade as 
the new fyftem would eftablifh between the two countries, I would 
recommend a careful perufal of Lord Sheffield's obfervations on this 
head. Indeed an acquaintance with all the obfervations which his 
Lordfhip has collected with great induftry and judgement, are ne- 
ceifary to a competent knowledge of the prefent fubjeft. At the fame 
time, I am free to confers that I by no means agree with him in all 
he has written refpe&ing the probable conferences of the new 
fyftem on the manufactures of Ireland. 

refers 



[ 79 } 

refers for move fatisfaftory information. How far he 
is warranted to conclude upon the whole, that <c the 
" refolutions are fuch as Great Britain may agree to, 
" confident with her honour, and with perfect fafety 
* to the interefls of both kingdoms," muft be left to 
thofe to decide who have had the patience to perufe 
the foregoing pages. 

With refped to the equivalent that has been ftipu- 
lated for all the facrifices which we are to make to 
Ireland, the author fums it up in a very few lines. 
It confifts, he fays, in a monopoly of confumption y and 
an aid towards Jupporting the general expence of the 
empire* 

What the monopoly of confumption is, he does 
not chufe to tell us. I fuppofe he means that mo- 
nopoly of trade which in the firft pnges of his pam- 
phlet Ireland is faid to give Great Britain at this mo- 
ment. In that cafe there is nothing new given by 
Ireland — nothing that can be called a return for 
the intended indigencies — Or would he infinuate, 
that the ninth refolution is favourable to Great Bri- 
tain, and that the preference it ftipulates for articles 
of her growth, produce, and manufacture, above 
fimilar articles imported into Ireland from foreign 
dates, is amply to indemnify her for the fuperiority 
which the other refolutions will give to Ireland, as 
well in the Britifh as in all foreign markets ? The 
whole body of manufacturers throughout Great Bri- 
tain are of a very different opinion. 

What 



[ 8o ] 

What the aid towards the general expences of the 
empire is to be he does not tell us. " Whatever 
" furplus fhall accumulate to the hereditary re- 
u venue from the increafe of trade under the new 
cc regulations, above a ftated fum, Ireland is to ap- 
" ply to naval fervices, the particulars of which 
cc may be afcertained by the bill to be pa$ed in 
" that country for appropriating that furplus. ,, i — 
Here we have the grand equivalent which the pre- 
fent Minifter is to fecure to Great Britain, as well 
for the conceflions which he himfelf is to grant to 
Ireland, as for the more lavijh and impolitic concef- 
Jions of former times and former minifter s. But in 
the name of all that is due to an oppreffed and in- 
flated nation, to what does this equivalent amount? 
An increafe of revenue, which is avowedly to arife 
from a participation of the profits of the Britifh 
commerce, is to indemnify Great Britain for the 
facrifice of thefe profits ! The emigration of Britifh 
manufacturers, the transfer of Britifh wealth, the de- 
falcation of Britifh revenue, and the general impove- 
rifhment of the Britifh people, are all to be compen- 
fated by the generofity of Ireland in confenting that her 
own Parliament fhall appropriate to whatever purpofes 
they fhall think fit, under the denomination of naval 
fervices, fart of the refources which fhe is to ac- 
quire from the refort and imported induftry of thefe 
manufacturers, from the influx of that wealth, and 
from the depredations upon this revenue. Is, then, 
the commerce of Great Britain to become more 
advantageous to her when transferred to Ireland, 

than 



K 



C 81 ] 

than when fhe referved all the benefits of it to her 
own fubjefts, and applied a proportion of it to the 
public exigencies ? Are thefe profits worfe applied 
as pledges for the payment of the national debt, 
and refources for future expenditure, than when 
they lhail be at the difpofal of the Parliament of 
n independent kingdom, for the protection of a 
rade that is to be enriched at our expence ? 



Thefe queftions fuppofe that the equivalent is 
fuch as the Minifter reprefents it to be. But 
if we afk at what period we are to receive it, or 
when it is likely that this appropriation fhall take 
place, the Irifh Parliament will anfvver us * — 
When Ireland fhall have attended to the princi- 
ples of ceconomyj when fhe fhall have paid off 
her exifting debts; when her annual income ' fhall 
balance her annual expenditure ; when her Parlia- 
ment fhall have granted all the premiums, bounties, 
and drawbacks in the nature of bounties, which in 
their attention to the trade and manufactures of Ire- 
land they may judge expedient and, necefTary ; then 
this hereditary revenue, out of which all thefe pre- 
miums, drawbacks, and bounties are to be paid, 
which are to make up the deficiencies in the other 
branches of revenue towards eftablifhing that ba- 
lance, and which is to contribute to the payment of 
the exifting debts until they are difcharged, fhall ap- 

* See the twolaft refolutions of the Irifih Parliament as amended 
on th« fuggeflicn of Mr. Grattans, 

L propriate 



[ 8l ] 

propriate whatever furplus may accumulate beyond 
the neat fum of 650,0001. towards the fupport of 
the naval force of the empire in fuch manner as the 
Parliamens of Ireland fhall direct. 

From thefe refolutiofis we may judge at what pe- 
riod we are likely to receive this reverfionary equiva- 
lent for immediate facrifices. The next inquiry 
fhould be into the flate of the fund from whence the 
qualified generofity of the Irifh Parliament is to 
raife it. I will take the largeft fum that appears 
under the head of hereditary revenue in any year 
from its appropriation. 

From March 1783, to March 1784: 
Grofs amount — £. 659,826 

Expence of management, draw- 
backs, &c. — 261,912 

£•397*9*4 

The refolution expreftly provides, that all ex- 
pences of management, drawbacks, premiums, and 
bounties, fhall be deducted; and as the greatefl 
fum, after fuch deduction, this hereditary revenue 
has ever produced, does not amount to 400,000b, 
Great Britain may eftimate the value of her equi- 
valent, when mortgaged for the Irifh debt, and 
clogged with the oeconomical flipulations and par- 
fimonious referves of the Irifh Parliament. 

" When the Irifh Parliament, by a bill which 
* c may be pafTed in that country, fhall have fixed and 

" afcer- 



[ 8 3 J 

u afcertained the particulars for applying this fur- 
u plus f of the hereditary revenue, then," fays our 
author, " all ground of future difputes, jealoufies, 
" and animofities will be prevented." 

As an advocate for Ireland, partially and ignorant- 
ly estimating her interefts, this inference may be al- 
lowed the author : but the friends of Great Britain 
will draw a very different conclufion. I have al- 
ready obferved, that under the new fyftem fhe would 
become the complaining fitter. She will feel all the 
jealoufies, and indulge all the animofities natural to 
thofe who fee an ufurping rival in pofTefTion of ad- 
vantages which they once enjoyed, and in which they 
were entitled to an exclufive right. 

But I would dk the Secretary of the Treafury, if 
there are no other points to be fettled between the 
two countries, but thofe which he has enumerated ? 
If there are no interefls to be affected in Great Bri- 
tain, but thofe which he has difculTed ? What de^ 
terminate provifion do thefe regulations make re- 
fpe&ing foreign trade, and treaties of commerce 
with other nations ? Where have they agreed 
that the fupreme, indevifible, controlling power of 
the empire ihould reflde ? What fecurity has 
Great Britain received from them, that Ireland 
ihall not give preferences, in point of commerce, to 

f The author fays, " The furplus above its prefent produce." 
^This is another inftance of his fairnefs, and his regard to truth. 

L 2 her 



[ H 1 

her natural enemies, at the expence of her mod an- 
cient and faithful allies, as lhe lately did in the cafe 
of Portugal ; or that her infringement of treaties, 
or her encroachments upon other powers, may not 
involve us in wars, contrary to our engagements, our 
inclinations, and interests, and definitive to us in 
every point of view ? What plan of proportionate 
fupplies, what plan of any fupplies from Ireland, 
in the event of fuch wars, or of wars upon any 
ground, is either made or propofed by thefe refo- 
lutions ? Are not thefe objedts of a final fettlement ? 
Are they not probable caufes of future jealoufies 
and difcontents ? 

What provifions have been made refpedting the 
trade to the Eaft Indies, when the charter of the 
Company fhall have expired ? May not this prove a 
caufe of future complaints and animofities ? 

Is the revenue of this country to be in no degree 

affected by the new fyftem ? Upon a very moderate 
calculation, every manufacturing man pays in excife 
to the Government fix pounds a year ; for every ma- 
nufacturer, therefore, who emigrates to Ireland, the 
excife revenue will lofe fix pounds annually ; and to 
what an extent fuch an emigration is likely to take 
place, may be judged from the evidence of thofe 
eminent manufacturers who have appeared at the 
bar of the Houfe of Commons. One of thefe gen- 
tlemen, Mr. Peele, of Lancafler, who has already 
profeffed his intention to remove his manufacture to 

Ireland* 



[ 8 5 ] 

Ireland, employs at prefent 6600 perfons in the 
cotton bufinefs, and pays to Government 2o,oool. 
per annum in excife upon his goods. — The lofs from 
this gentleman's emigration may, therefore., be fairly 
ftated at 40,0001. per annum to the Government, be- 
fides the lofs to the landholder in the fall of rents, 
confumption of provifions, and all the other disad- 
vantages confequent to a decreafe of population. 

In thefe confederations a farther evil is involved 
that mud fall on the particulat diftridts from whence 
thefe manufacturers emigrate with a weight of com- 
plicated oppreffion. It is unneceiTary to obferve, 
that Ireland makes no public proviiions for her poor. 
She has no poor rates, no parifh eftablifhments, no 
fandhiary for the aged and infirm. When the Britifh 
manufacturer, who emigrates to that kingdom, fhall 
become incapable of labour, he rnuft, therefore, look 
back to his native country for his fupport ; he muft 
return to the parifh where he had eftablifhed his 
fettlement, and thus become a burden to thofe who 
never profited by his induftry, and whom his remo- 
val had contributed to deprive of every means of 
making that provifion for their poor, which the 
laws compel them to make. 

But to come back to the revenue — a duty is to 
be laid, by the fifth refolutton, on the importation 
of all articles into either kingdom equal to the in- 
ternal duty laid by the kingdom into which they 
ihail be imported, on fimilar article$ of its own con- 

fumption* 



t 86 ] 

fumption. Bat by the lafl claufe of the fame refolu- 
tion, Ireland has fecured to herfelf the privilege of 
being exempt from paying that duty whenever me 
fubjects fimilar manufactures of her own to a like 
burden. The fir ft claufe is unwife and impolitic in its 
confequences-r—it will transfer the duties from the ex- 
cife to the cuftoms, and they muft fail in the col- 
lection. The laft is deftructive ; it lays us at the mer- 
cy of the Irifti revenue officers — If they are remifs in 
collecting thefe internal duties previous to exporta- 
tion, they ruin our trade,, as the articles, confidering 
all the other advantages in favour of the Irifh mauu- 
facture, muft meet ours at market under fuch a dif- 
proportionate charge, and confequently at fuch dif- 
proportionate prices. If they are exact in collecting 
them, they raife a revenue upon our confumption, 
that molt intolerable of all burdens, and the moil mor- 
tifying of all tyrannical exactions. Thefe duties muft 
be eventually paid by the Britifh purchafer; and 
then, inftead of Ireland contributing towards defray- 
ing the expences of Great Britain in the fupport of 
the empire, Great Britain muft defray the expences 
of the government of Ireland *, 

Have the holders of ftock in this country no con- 
cern in this inevitable diminution of the funds, that 

* The Report of the Commiflioners of Excife, confirm the dan- 
ger that threatens that great branch of our revenue, particularly in 
the' article of foreign and Britifh fpirits, and from the facility of 
fmuggling. Why did not the Minifter confult that Board previous 
to his agreement to the Irifh proportions ? 

arc 



[ 8 7 ] 

are pledged for the payment of the intereft of the 
public debt ? 

Are the landholders to be indifferent fpectators of 
this deftructive revolution? Are they to fubmit to fee 
all that has hitherto given value to their property 
transferred to others who are to bear no ihare in their 
burdens ? The Britifh merchant may remove his ca- 
pital to any climate where the moft lucrative com- 
merce may offer encouragement to his induflry — and 
the Britifh manufacturer may remove his capital, 
his implements, and workmen wherever cheapnefs 
of labour and provifions, and an exemption from 
taxes, hold out to him the furefl profpect of gain. 
But the Britifh landholder has no capital but what 
is attached to the foil ; he has no portable property 
which he can remove on fpeculation, or to follow the 
market. He muft cleave to Great Britain, be her 
fate what it may ; he muft ftand or fall with her. 
When the fources mail be gradually dried up, from 
which the exigencies of the ftate have been hitherto 
fupplied, and which, in fact, were taxes levied by 
Britifh induflry on the reft of the world ; when their 
wealth fhall be diverted into other channels, in 
which the Britifh landholder can have no part, and 
no productive object is left for taxation but the 
flock and the growth of his lands ; what profpect 
can he look to but bankruptcy to the flate, and im- 
poverifhment and lofs of confequence to himfelf and 
to his defendants ? 



If 



[ 38 ] 

If merely to have the fame field open to her 
for commercial enterprife that is open to Great 
Britain ; or, if to acquire wealth by a fair and 
equitable participation of trade with us, were 
the wiih of our filler kingdom, ihe is already in- 
dulged in that wilh. She has the world to traffic 
with as extenfively and as fecurely as we have, and 
on the fame terms. But not contented with this, 
her advifers are impelling her to turn her thoughts 
to a nearer and more tempting object. Inftead of 
engaging with us in a fair contelt of induitry, they 
exhort her to demand a ihare in the fruits which we 
have already reaped from the induitry of our ancef- 
tors and our own. * Not willing that ihe ihould re- 
main content with the vifible advances which, under 
the foftering care of Great Britain, ihe has already 
made in every branch of her trade and manufac^ 
tures, or that ilie ihould perfevere in thofe gradual 
approaches towards private wealth and public confe- 
rence, through which Britifh enterprife and Britiih 
perfeverance, have erected the fabric of their com- 



* The total exports from Ireland to America* 

en an average of nine years, ending in March, £. s. d, 

1782, amounted in value to • • - 281,125 10 9 

In 1783 • . • " - 381,617 1 7 



Increafe in thofe exports in one year - 100,491 9 10 

Total exports from ditto to foreign countries, . 

on the fame average, ending at the fame time 345,118 10 $ 

In 1783 ',* - • 584,222 19 3 



Increafe in one year * • ■- *39>i04 ^ *" 

merce, 



[ §9 ] 

merce, and faifed their country to its prefent envied 
flate, they encourage her to enrich herfelf at once, 
by putting her hands into the purfe of Great Britain, 
and clothing herfelf with the ready fpoils of the 
Britifh market* Every advance they wifh her to 
make is to be at the expence of fome fund that 
now enriches the individual, or fills the public 
coffers* The wealth of her citizens is to be the 
poverty of the Britifh flate — me is gradually to in- 
tercept all the great fources of revenue that have 
flowed from the interchange of the various commo- 
dities of the different quarters of the world with 
our own native commodities, without fuffering any 
proportion of the profits to be appropriated to the 
fupport of our credit, or to the exigencies of the 
empire. 

In adjufting the terms of Union with Scotland, it 
Was expreflly declared, as the groundwork of one 
of the articles, that for preferving an equality of trade 
throughout the united kingdoms, the fubjedts of 
Scotland mould be liable to feveral cuftoms and ex- 
cifes, applicable towards payment of the debts of Eng- 
land previous to the union, as well as towards the fub- 
Jequent expenfes of the empire. The wifdom of thofe 
days could from no idea of an equality of trade, 
unaccompanied with an equality of taxes and bur- 
dens. But in the retrograde wifdom of the prefent 
times, when fcarce a day paries but is marked by 
the fubverfion of fome prudent regulation, or fome 
politic principle eflablifhed by our anceflors, we 

M are 



[ 9° 1 

are to adopt more generous notions of equality and 
participation of privileges. We are required chear- 
fully to admit Ireland to every commercial benefit 
of the union ; but more liberal than our fathers, 
we are not to clog the gift with the returns which 
their narrower policy extracted from Scotland. Ire- 
land is to have the equality of trade without any Jh are 
in the burdens — She is to bind herfelf in no retro* 
fpective refponfibility for paft expences— She pledges 
herfelf for no expences hereafter to be incurred. — For 
the prefent, me is to fland as clear of our debts as 
me is free from our taxes, and, for the future, can 
forefee no contingency that will oblige her to incur 
the one, or adopt the other. 

A fyflem of equal commerce, formed upon fuch 
principles, implies a contradiction in terms too 
grofs to efcape the detection and ridicule of the 
dullefl understanding. In my warmer! whiles to im- 
prefs the mind of the reader with a thorough con- 
viction of its deftrudtive tendency, I cannot better 
conclude thefe obfervations than by adopting the 
plain, but expreffive language, in which the Man-* 
chefter petitioners reprefent the fyflem to the Houfe 
of Commons — « IT IS UNJUST, UNWISE, 
« UNREASONABLE, AND IMPOLITIC, NOT 
" HAVING EITHER EQUITY, EQUALITY, 
** OR RECIPROCITY FOR ITS BASIS," 



THE E N P, 



ERRATA. 



Page 7, Line I, for retained, read retailed. 

Page 8, Line i, for lights, fatisfaSlory, read all the commercial and 

political lights, all thefatisfaclory. 
Page 1 2, Line 21, for have been aware, read muft have been aware. 
Page 14, Line 1, read in the hour of our enlightened liberality. 
Page 28, Line 5, for this, read M^. — Line 10, fov thofe acls, read 
M<? navigation acl,— Line 12, for Mi/i, read 

Page 48, Line 5, for which, &c. Ireland defires may be, read by the 
removal of which, &c. Ireland defires Jhe 
may be, — Line 11, for impojition, read impor* 
tat ion. 

Page 54, Line 21, for to the public, read to Parliament. 

Pag e 57» Line 14, for manufacturer > read manufacturers* 



Commercial Regulations 



with 



IRELAND, 



PRICE ONE SHILLING. 



THE 



Commercial Regulations 



WITH 



IRELAND, 



EXPLAINED and CONSIDERED, 



IN THE 



SPEECH OF THE RIGHT HON. MR. ORDE 



Upon Opening the fame in the Houfe of Commons of 
Ireland ; with an Authentic Copy of the Proportions, 
and of the Obfervations, made upon them by the 
Committee of Merchants and Traders of the City of 
London. 



LONDON: 

HUNTED FOR J. DEBRETT, OPPOSITE BURLINTON- 

HOUSE IN PICCADILLY. MDCCLXXXV. 



HOUSE of COMMONS 

O F 

IRELAND 

FEBRUARY 7, 1785. 

THEHOUSE IN COMMITTEE ON 
NATIONAL ACCOMPTS, 

J, M. MASON, Es c^ in the Chair. 

MR. Orde moved that the following pa- 
ragraph in the Lord Lieutenant's fpeech 
mould be read: 

" lam to recommend, in the King's name, 
u to your earneft investigation thofe objects of 
<c trade and commerce between Great Britain 
'• and Ireland, which have not yet received 
m their complete adjuftment. In framing a 
" plan with a view to a final fettlement, you 
" will be fenfible that the intereft of Great 
<c Britain and Ireland ought for ever to be 
" united and infeparable; and his Majefty re- 
cc lies on your liberality and wifdom for adopt- 
c< ing fuch an equitable < fyftem for the joint 
u benefit of both countries, and the fupport of 
*' the common intereft as will fecure mutual 
*• fatisfa&ion and permanency". 

B Right 



( 6 ) 

Right Hon. Mr. Orde began by apologizing 
-for the delay that had unavoidably arifen in 
framing and bringing forward the refolutions 
which he was then about to fubmit to the con- 
lideration of the Committee ; he confeiTed his 
own inability to do juflice to a meafure of fuch 
vaft importance as they contained, and threw 
himfelf upon the candour and generofity of the 
Committee, while he attempted to ftate the 
plan for a final adjuftment, which he trufted 
would be found confonant to the tenor of 
the fpeech, and the defire of the nation. For 
myfelf, Sir, faid he, I have undertaken a bufi- 
nefs of fo much magnitude, becaufe I would 
not feern to fhrinkfrom my duty, which how- 
ever perforfally diftreffing to me, has hovvever 
many circumftances of fatisfadtion in it, and 
chiefly that I act in conformity to the whifhes 
of this Hou'fej and I am confident that the 
meafure I have to propofe, is directed to the 
eflential welfare of the country. 

I am relieved alfo, in a great degree, from 
the weight of perfonal anxiety, by the confeder- 
ation of the afliftance I fhall receive to make 
amends for my deficiency. To the councils and 
guidance of thofe gentlemen, to whom 1 allude, 
I feel a pride to acknowledge my warmed: obliga- 
tions to them; indeed lam much indebted; and 
on them I fhall depend for the further favour of 
correcting any miftake or explaining any ob- 
fcurity which I may fall into. 

The fuccefs of which lam chiefly ambitious, 
is to make it appear, that the object of the King's 
Minifters has been, to prove a real attention to 

fo 



( 7 ) 

fo important afubject, upon a fyftem of general 
benefit, in which the interefts of Ireland have 
been considered with an affectionate liberality. 

In my particular fituation, Sir, however, I 
would wifh to avoid obtruding myfelf upon the 
Houfe, yet I think it neceffary to fay a word to 
account for my former referve, which arofe 
merely from a fear of offering any thing not fully 
confidered and reduced to order. I feel a duty 
and attachment to both countries, to the country 
from whence I.came, and to this in which I have 
the honor of an oftenfible fittfation; and I declare, 
that while I remain here, I hope to prove my- 
felf as earnefl — as anxious — as determinately 
zealous an advocate for the fair pretenfions of 
Ireland, as any Iriflh citizen whatfoever. 

I addrefs myfelf earneftly to this Committee, 
which has, I am fure, decided upon the bafis that 
fhould fupport the fabric, facred to conciliation 
and reciporcity of interefts. I call confidently 
upon you, to aflift in cementing thefe materials, 
which appear bell fuited to give ftrength and fo- 
lidity to all the parts, and to work over it a co- 
vering of perpetual fhelter, againft the capricious 
guft of jealoufy and intereftednefs, while the 
united labours of both nations, (hall be employed 
in compleating the execution. Let this be the 
temple of Commercial Concord; — at the doors 
difmifs all narrow and ungenerous prejudices, 
and carry into it only the offerings of harmony 
and affection. Let our prayers be for mutual 
fuccefs, and our hope of reward be the general 
profperity. 

B 2 From 



( 8 ) 

From my heart I can never believe that there 
can be now any inafpicious croakings of indivi- 
dual intereft, or even of national partiality, dif- 
tin£t from the welfare of the empire. 

This is not the feafon to portend a principle fo 
injurious to the eharadter and good fenfe of this 
country, as that the welfare of Ireland is to be 
fought for only in partial attention, and exclufive 
provifions for her own miftakcn encouragement; 
we will now cherifh the generous objedt of pro- 
moting the ftrength and profperity of the empire, 
upon the ground of mutual benefits, coinciding 
thus with the willies of Great Britain, who, I am 
free to declare, and forward to affert, does not 
' deiire to receive or give any conceflion or ac- 
commodation, that fliall not be for the real in- 
tereft and advantage of both countries. The 
event I truft will prove the beft refutation of 
the feditious papers in which not only Great Bri- 
tain, but this Houfe was calumniated and mif- 
reprefented : — they were, indeed, calculated to 
impofebut upon popular credulity, and to an- 
fwer the purpofe of men, who arealike enemies 
to England and to Ireland. But the hour of 
delufion being paft, we may proceed without 
danger. 

Give me leave, Sir, here to advert to the ex- 
preffions ,of this Houfe in that addrefs, which re- 
ceived an unanimous approbation at the clofeof 
laft feffion, which recommended a plan for a 
liberal arrangement of commercial intercourse 
between Great Britain and Ireland, formed upon 
the broad bafts of reciprocal advantages, as the 
moil effectual means of ftrengthing the empire 
at large, and cherifhing the common-intereft 

and 



( 9 ) 

and brotherly affection of both kingdoms. In 
the inveftigation of this important and com-\ 
plicated fubject, thofe principles have been our 
guide, and we have fought to adapt them as 
well to the detail of the great outline of the 
adjuftment. — Where mutuai zeal and good will 
animate the endeavours on both fides to obtain 
the fame object, the fimpleft line is that which 
may be chofen with greateft fafety and fuccefs ; 
and I truit, it will appear, that as Ireland gave 
the word for cherifhing the common intereft, 
and brotherly affection of both kingdoms, his 
Majefty's fervants have ftudied to frame the pro- 
pofitions as to meet the general fenfe, confident 
that the fame fpirit will induce the Britifh Par- 
liament to adopt the like views. 

His Majefty has to both countries fpoken 
the fame gracious language, and as the an- 
fwers of both have breathed the fame fpirit of 
concord and affection, w T e have now only to 
attend to the fuccefsful accomplimment of the 
general wifh. And firft, we are to provide for 
the freedom of intercoufe, and the unfettered 
communication of merchandize between both 
countries. I addrefs myfelf to an affembly, the 
reprefentatives of a nation, warm with gener- 
ous feelings, and diverted of narrow partialities, 
I call upon them to recoiled: and give indulgence 
to the force of long accuftomed enjoyment. 
They will, however interefted in the change of 
policy, make allowance for the conftant folici- 
tude with which Great Britain has guarded 
for herfelf, a preference in the laws of naviga- 
tion; — they will attend to the very early period 

at 



at which this principle was formed, and by 
what ftepsit has fince gathered ftrengthj— they 
will form a Judgment of the expence of blood 
and treafure with which fhe had fettled her 
colonies, and how naturally fhe might look with 
anxiety to them, as objects of her peculiar care. 
They will then defcend to a period very little 
removed from the prefent, when in the greatefl 
need of every poffible fource of affiftance and 
fupport, fhe liftened to their requefls, relaxed 
the principle of interefted jealoufy, and im- 
parted to Ireland a particpatioin of this exclu- 
sive trade. — This Houfe received the gift with 
due acknowledgment, and juftly greeted the 
omen — the happy perfage of that victory which 
affection has fince obtained over felf-interefl and 
prejudice. 

The moment I trufl is come, when that vic- 
tory will be made complete — when the referva- 
tion even of a juft preference, will be given 
up, in addition to the conceffions already grant- 
ed, and thereby every obftacle will be removed, 
to the full interchange of the commodities of 
the world. It is not my purpofe to attempt 
in this place, a detail of the advantages to be 
derived from the adoption of this propofition, 
you will meafure them by your own anxiety 
for obtaining them, and the fame principle 
which on the part of Great Britain induced the 
facrifice of a partial intereft, to the great ob- 
ject, a generous reciprocity will influence your 
eftimation, and acknowledgment of her unequi- 
vocal liberality. 

The 



( H ) 

The next consideration which prefents itfelf, 
is the adjuftment of duties upon the commo- 
dities of the countries for their communica- 
tion or a mutual Supply; thofe equitable prin- 
ciples of commerce were formerly not well 
understood, impofts have been laid upon goods 
in their paffage from one diflridt of the coun- 
try to another — -partial restrictions have been 
tried, as the means of giving fuccefs to parti- 
al favour; but local partialities have, by ex- 
perience, been found to occaiion general dif- 
trefs and impoverifhment, with advantage only 
to a few interested monopolies; wifer have been 
thofe fpeculations, and more fortunate for the 
public has been the practice, where a commu- 
nity of interests has encouraged a competition 
of induStry, and if it might even be doubted, 
whether between rival "States, there is not more 
of political prejudice than commercial wifdom, 
in fuppofing the Strength of the one, to be the 
confequent weaknefs of the other, which have 
introduced maxims of mutual prohibition and 
exclufion. 

It will be readily admitted here, that in what- 
ever relates to general profperity, Great Britain 
and Ireland mould be coniidered as one coun- 
try; the Strength and wealth of the one, is the 
Strength and wealth of the other, I am con- 
dent, therefore, that in propofing, upon this 
part of the Subject, and adjustment which, 
by the deftru&ion of unequal felfifh prefer- 
ences, may fet up a fyStem of equal intercourfe, 
I Shall be justified in my idea, both of the wishes 
and real interests of this kingdom. 

It 



( 12 ) 






I venture again to repeat my firm belief, that 
Great Britain will be difpofed to loofen her re- 
ftraints, andto remove her diftinctions; how- 
ever ftrongly, from the fafety of internal bur- 
dens, fhe may ftill be fenfible of the neceffi ty, 
which has made her adhere, with an apparent 
pertinacity, to the plan of exclufive encourage- 
ments to fome of her manufacture; and if, with 
cordial fentiments of affection and confidence, 
fhe mail be ready to facrifice the benefits in her 
feparate poflefiion, to the more enlarged defire 
of participating them with the fitter kingdom. 
I form only a true fentiment of the mutual fenfe 
of attachment in this nation, when I prefume 
to rely upon your generous coniideration, as well 
of her difficulties, as of her liberality, it will 
therefore, be unneceffary for me to dwell upon 
thofe objects of apprehenfion, which in the eyes 
of a lefs liberal nation might be magnified, in- 
ilead of removed, upon the view of opening a 
free participation of trade upon equal principles, 
while me is aware of the preferable commercial 
fitutation of Ireland — of the comparative cheap- 
nefsof its neccffaries, and the confequent dimi- 
nished price of its labour — alarmingheretoforeto 
every Britim merchantand manufacturer, nor can 
fhe confider, as advantage of long duration to 
her,theprefentdirTerence refulting from fuperior 
capital, and perhaps fuperior habits of induftry 
and invention. Thefe are circumftances which 
will diminifh every year, which may even be 
transferred to this country — which, I might 
almoft venture to fay, you yourfelves may com- 
mand, by a mere endeavour to take a true ad- 
vantage 



( 1.3 ) 

vantage of your fitutiticn, by infpiring fenti- 
ments of induftry, tranquility, and content- 
ment throughout the country, by banishing 
tumult and diiTention from the land, and point- 
ing out the true iburces of happinefs and im- 
portance to every individual, and fubjeciing 
the frenzy of political, to the wifdom of com- 
mercial regulation. 

The firft refolution that I (hall take the liber- 
ty of fubmitting is a general one, declaratory 
of the principle upon which the plan of adjuft-- 
ment is to be informed. 

The fecond refolution is in fad: the firft of 
regulation. 

The Committee will perceive that this for 
ever abblifiies the unfavourable conftructicn of the 
navigation act, the Britifh market is now open 
to the fubject of Ireland, and they may fupply 
it on the fame terms that it is fupplied by the 
Britifli merchants themfelves : there will no 
longer be any reftraint on fpeculation, that 
powerful ftimulative to commercial vigour. 
Ireland* from her happy fituation, may become 
an emporium of trade, and even Britain may 
fupply herfelf from her market. 

This, Sir, will give Ireland the advantage of 
a more extenlive eredit, and her merchants, by 
bonding the duties on direct importation, may 
be the better enabled to accommodate their 
cuftomers in time. 

Great Britain had formerly the advantage of 
an abatement of half cuftom on plantation 
goods, and one third more of cuftom on foreign 

C goods 



( 14 ) 

goods from the place of their growth, by which 
means fuch goods paid lefs and could be fold 
cheaper coming through Great Britain, than 
from the immediate place of their growth j this 
is now furrendered, and will prove a great en- 
courgement to a direct trade with foreign parts* 

The duty on foreign goods re-exported, is by 
this refolution drawn back, which effectually 
protects Ireland from Great Britain raifing a re- 
venue upon her, by leaving duty of importation 
upon exportation, and thus loading the confump- 
tion. 

The third refolution admits into each 
country, the produce or manufacture of the other 
either free or upon equal duties: 

Thus every caufe of alarm is removed, the 
danger of lofmg the Britiih market for our li- 
nens is for ever done away, and this at a time 

s 

when the violence and indifcretion of fome mea. 
in Ireland, who have, by a non importation 
agreement, endeavoured to exclude Britifh ma- 
nufacture* might jultly be iuppoied to roufe the 
refentment of Englishmen — yet by this Great 
Britain is for ever deprived of the power of re- 
taliating; — this amicable adjuilment may alfo 
open a more extenfive market for Iri(h manu- 
fa&ures in England. The tabinets and pop- 
lins of Ireland are there highly efteemed, and 
time, with induftry, will enable the Irifh artifi- 
cer to fend other goods in which his ingenuity 
may enable him to excel. At this day how 
large a proportion of what Great Britain takes 
f»om Ireland, is of Irifh produce 3 how fmall 

a pro- 



( '5 ) 

a proportion of what Ireland takes from Britain 
is produced there — on which fide than lies the 
benefit, 

By the fourth refolution, Great Britain aban- 
dons all jealoufies for her own manufactures, 
relinquiihing thofe high duties by which fome 
manufactures of Ireland were prohibited, while 
her own manufactures coming here, pay the 
fame duties as formerly. 

The fifth refolution is neceflary to preferve 
the internal revenue of Great Britain, by mak- 
ing fimilar goods from Ireland liable to the fame 
duties that theBritifh fubject pays for his home 
confumption, as on candles, foap, leather, &c. 
but at the fame time, our goods may bs imported 
and confumed in England as cheap as her own 
native produce, and will, upon exportation, be 
entitled to the fame drawback as Britifh goods 
would be. 

The fixth refolution eflablifhes the perma- 
nency of the fettlement, by preventing all en- 
croachments upon, or fubveruon of thefe prin- 
ciples, upon poffible future circumftances. Linens, 
duty free, will for ever continue fo in Great 
Britain — articles imported on a fmall duty will 
continue fo ; the duty of coals to Ireland can 
never be raifed, and encouragement is given to 
difcovery or inventions on new produce, as 
thsir export to Great- Britain cannot be exclud- 
ed, or overcharged with a duty to which they 
are not liable at this day. 

The feventh refolution, eflablifhes the fame 
principle of permanency upon exportation, but 

C 2 the 



{ 16 ) 

the exception fecures us from the ill confe- 
quences of exporting corn in time of fcarcity. 

The eighth refolution, is a guard to you 
againfl: forceing a fuperiority in any article, by 
bounty on exportation to your own market j— - 
the exception of corn is advantageous — for in 
fcarcity, it enables Great Britian to fell cheaper, 
which will alfo have the effect of bringing down 
the price of foreign importation. — If a fcarcity 
fhould happen in Great Britain, and a Surplus is 
here, you can, by bounty, underfell - the fo- 
reigner, and encourage your own agriculture, 
which is now become fuch a capital object, that 
the exportation ojfq,ats only, is a fouice of very 
great wealth to Ireland,— The extenfion of thole 
provifions to the colonies is but jurl: Great Bri- 
tain has opened that trade to you, and only de- 
iires that you may not, by bounties, be enabled 
to Supplant her in the fale of her own plantation 
goods in foreign markets. — But if Great Britain t 
ihould give any bounty, it will be in your 
power to equalize the fame* 

The ninth refolution confirms the preference 
to the produce or manufacture of Ireland, over " 
the like goods of foreign countries. Thus the 
advantage to the Irifh linens over thofe of Ruffia 
and Germany, is for ever confirmed, and the 
like good confequer.ee will follow any other 
article, fimilarly circumstanced. 

Having thus briefly Stated fome effects of the 
propofitions, fubmitted as a ground for amicable 
adjustment, &c. and if Great Britain, as I truft 
{he will, ihall adopt them, in cafe of your ap- 
pro- j 



( 17 ) 

probation, you will certainly be convinced of 
her liberality and freedom from prejudice. She 
will at once admit you to all the advantages 
which (he has endeavoured to attain by labour 
and experience, and to every protection which 
herprefent power can afford. All grounds for con- 
tention will be removed, the world will be 
open for your induftry ; — you will have ample 
room for emulation, and may arrive at excell- 
ence without interrupting that harmony, which 
I hope will be the firft confequences of this ad- 
juftment, and may laft for ever. 

Thus, Sir, Great Britain has generoufly facri- 
ficed her prejudices, has removed all her bar- 
riers which flie had raifed to protect her trade, 
her monopolies are at an end, no longer fecure 
of being the emporium of commerce, at a time 
when her burdens prefs heavy upon her, when 
me groans under the weight of a debt inccurred 
by the general defence of the empire. Thus 
circumftanced, I think I may rely upon the 
wifdom of this nation, that they will think the 
trade which is imparted to them an object: 
worth their care, and upon their ge f nerofity, 
that they will contribute to the general de- 
fence of the empire. I hope they will meet 
Great Britain with a liberality of fpirit like her 
own — the object is to ftrengthen the general 
union, and increafe the fecurity of both na- 
tions. 

It is natural to enquire by what means this 
can be effected: certainly, if in confequence of 
the adjuftment flow propofed, a very great en- 

creafe 



( i8 ) 

creafe of revenue fhall arife to Ireland, it will 
not be thought unreafonable to appropriate a 
part of that revenue to the protection of the 
trade from which it arrifes ; and by our con- 
tributing to the fupport of the naval force of 
the empire, Britain will be flill enabled to af- 
ford protection. I fhall therefore lay before 
you, Sir, the laft refolution which can only 
operate in proportion as pur trade encreafes. 



The following interefting Papers, containing 
an Authentic Copy of Mr. Orde's Pro- 
pofitions, was printed by order of the 
Committee of Merchants and Traders 
pf the City of London. 



To 



( *9 ) 



ST* all Weft-India Planters and Colonial Pro- 
prietors, to all Merchants, Traders, and 
. Manufacturers of Great Britain. 



Y 



OUR attention to the following Refolutions 
is earneftly requested by a meeting of Gen- 
tlemen, who are equally iuterefted with you in 
their ruinous confequences. They wepe pro- 
pofed to the Irifh Houfe of Commons on the 7th 
inftant, by Mr. Orde, the Seceretary to the Lord 
Lieutenant, and the afting Minifter of the 
Crown in Ireland. They are to be intro- 
duced into the Houfe of Commons here* 
by the Englifh Minifter; and, as they 
muft have already received the fanction of the 
Cabinet, there can be no doubt of their being 
adopted by the Britifh Legiflature, unlefs by 
ipeedy and unanimous exertions on your part, 
the wifdom of Parliament fhould be induced to 
interpofe, and fave us from ruin. 

" Refolved, I. That it is the opinion of this 
Committee^ that it is highly important to the 
general intereft of the Britifh Empire, that the 
trade between Great Britain and Ireland be en- 
couraged and extended as much as pof- 
fible, and for that purpofe, that the inte/courfe 
and commerce be finally fettled and regulated 
on permanent and equitable principles, for the 
nautal benefit of both countries." 

Refolved, 



( 20 ) 

cc Refolved, II. That towards carrying into 
full effctz fo defireable a fettlement, it is fit and 
proper that all articles, not the growth of Great 
Britain or Ireland, mould be imported into 
each kingdom from the other, reciprocally, un- 
der the fame regulations, and at the fame 
duties, if fubjedt to duties, to which they are 
liable when imported directly from the place of 
their growth, product, or manufacture ; and 
that all duties originally paid on importation, 
to either country refpectively, mall be fully 
drawn back on exportation to the other/'' 

In recommending this refolution to the Irifh 
Houle of Commons, Mr. Orde obferved, 
" That it for ever abolifhes the unfavourable 
* c construction of the Navigation Ad. Ireland 
*f (fays this Englifh Secretary) has the Britiih 
M Market open to her for the Sale of all the 
" produtiiovs of cur Colonies, as well as of fo- 
£< reign nations. From her happy fituation, 
* c ihe may now become the emporium of trade 
" <*- Even Briij'ni may fupply h erf elf from her 
" Market!* 

We will endeavour briefly to unfold thefe 
ideas of Mr, Orde, and to fet them in their 
proper light, to thofe who are interested in the 
queftion, that is, to the whole Britifh Nation * 
for we will not heiitate to affert, that the a- 
doption of thefe refolutions by the Britiih Legi- 
flature will give a death blow to the Commerce, 
Manufactures, and Population of Great Britain. 
There is one defcription of men, who, perhaps, 
on a fuperficial view, may think that they muft 

gain 



( 21 ) 

gain by the resolutions ; we mean the Planters 
and Colonial Proprietors. They may think 
that the more channels they find opened for the 
circulation of their property, the better for their 
intereft. But in the firft place, we make no 
doubt but they will feel for whatever may fo 
materially injure thofe merchants, who, on the 
faith of the fubfifting fyftem of commerce with 
the iflands and colonies, have fupplied them 
with money in advance. In the fecond place, 
we will beg leave to fuggeft, that from the alarm 
the Britifh merchant muft neceffarily take at a 
regulation that fo materially leffens his fecurity, 
he may think himfelf obliged to call in that 
money, and that it is not to be expefted that in 
future he can lend the fums which he has been 
in the conftant habits of advancing, and without 
which the planter could not have gone on. In 
the laft place, they (hould recoiled:, that, under 
cover of this regulation, an inimical and de- 
structive trade may be opened againft them by 
the Irifh merchant, for the introduction of 
Freneh Weft-India goods into the Englifh 
markets. 

To every other defcription of Merchants, to 
all thofe who have flourished by the immediate 
mercantile gain of Weft-India commodities, to 
all who are engaged in the Exchange, Broker- 
age, and Freight of thefe commodities — to the 
numberlefs hands employed in landing, ftoring, 
and re-fhipping them, down to the loweft La- 
bourers and Artificers, thefe refolutions threaten 
abfolute ruin. 

D That 



( 2'- ) 

That the Manufactures and Trade of Ireland 
fliould have been encouraged, was certainly an 
act of national juftice; but it was at leaft equal- 
ly an act of juftice to have done this without in- 
juring, or rather deftroying, the Trade r and 
Manufactures of England and Scotland. The 
government of this country had already done 
for Ireland all that could have been expected 
from it. It had opened the commerce of the 
whole worid to her ; it had admitted her to a 
free participation of our Colonial Traffic, and 
of carrying it wherever me could find the beft 
market. All it referved was the exclufive privi- 
lege of fupplying our own markets with the prcn 
duce of our own Colonies (the .purchafe of our 
blood and treafure) and to the acquifition or 
maintenance of which Ireland had never con- 
tributed, and never is to contribute a farthing. 
But by this refolution, this laft remaining privi- 
lege is for ever renounced. We are now to 
maintain our Colonies at an immenfe expence 
of treafure, at all dangerous rifles, and to con- 
fine ourfejves to the purchafe of their produce 
at an enormous price, that another natiou, at no 
^xpence, and at n€> rifk, and without being con- 
fined to our Colonies may, with her own manu- 
factures, purchafe that produce, and afterwards 
fell it to ourfelves ! Such a complete revolution 
was, perhaps, never effected, as this muft pro- 
duce in our comercial fyftem. In a moment 
the two countries muft change fituations as if 
by enchantment. Th;s inftant Great Britain 
has Ireland to fupply ; the next, Great Britain is 

to. 



( *3 ) 

to be fupplied by Ireland, and with Britifli corri- 
modities, and ail the fuperior advantages fti6 
enjoys. Her ports open to the Atlantic, fave 
her veffels the only dangerous and tardy part of 
the navigation^ fhe can victual, fhe can man 
them cheaper; fhe has no confuming taxes to 
clog and confine her exertions. What chance 
can Liverpool, Briftol, of Glafgowhave, in fuch 
a competition ? What hopes can Whitehaveii 
retain of her tobacco trade ? Muft not the mer- 
chants, in all thofe ports, and all who are en- 
gaged in the fame trade in London and elfe- 
where, be prepared to fee their own commerce 
fettle in Ireland ? Muft not this already exhaust- 
ed country expect to fee them tranfmit their 
capitals, eftablifh factories, and finally migrate 
there with their fortunes and families ? 

" Refolved, III. That for the fame purpofe, 
it is proper that no prohibition fhould exift in 
either country againft the importation, ufe, or 
fale of any article, the growth, product, of 
manufacture of the other; and that the duty 
on the importation of every fuch article, if 
fubjecT: to duty in either country fhould be 
percifely the fame in one country as in the 
other, except where an addition may be ne- 
ceffary in either country, in confequence of 
an internal duty on any fuch article of its own 
confumption." 

This refolution tends as effectually to deftroy 
our manufactures in time, as the fecond does 
our commerce. The advantages pf cheap pro- 

vifioijs, 



( 24 ) 

vifions, low wages, and no taxes, mull enable 
the Irifh Manufacturer to underfell the Englifh 
at every market, not excepting our own. This 
obfervation is applicable to every branch of our 
manufacture, but particularly to the ftaple one 
of wool. It is ailonifhing how Ireland has in- 
creafed her woollen trade within thefe few years. 
From the year 1780 to 1781, her exports in- 
creaied from 9147, to 579,050 yards exclufive 
of frizes, flannels, ftockings, woollen mixtures, 
and fpun yarn. Mr. Orde calls her attention 
to the fuperiority of her tabinents and poplins* 
and the increafmg demand that muft arife for 
them in our market. He alfo defires her to ob- 
serve how large a proportion of what Great 
Britain, even now, takes from Ireland, is of. 
Irifh produce, and how fmall a proportion of 
what Ireland takes from Britain, is of Britifh 
produce. He was perfectly warranted in this 
obfervation. The linens taken by Great Bri- 
tain from Ireland are five times the value of the 
woollens taken by her from Great Britain; well, 
therefore, might Mr. Orde congratulate Ireland 
on the advantage fhe is to gain over us by this 
refolution. 

* c Refolved, IV. That in all cafes where the 
duties on articles of the growth, product, or 
manufacture of either country are different on 
the importation into the other, it would be ex- 
pedient that they fhould be reduced in the king- 
dom where they are the higher!, to the amount 
payable in the other ; and that all fuch articles 

fhould 



fhould be exportable from the kingdom into 
which they {hall be imported, as free from duty 
as the fimilar commodities, or home manufac- 
tures of the fame kingdom." 

By this refolution, Mr. Orde obferves, Great 
Britain relinquishes cc all the high duties fhehad 
" laid on Irifii manufactures importable here, 
" while all Englifh manufactures importable to 
" Ireland are to pay the prefent duties." This 
alio leads to the decline of our woollen manu- 
facture, as the duties on their manufactured 
wool are totally withdrawn by it. One would 
imagine, from the wording of this Refolution, 
that Ireland had fome duties on our manufactures 
to be taken off by her in retmn 9 on their being 
imported by her from here: But what are thefe 
manufactures? This is reciprocity and equality I 
We give you every thing, and we are to have 
in return— nothing — for you have nothing to 
give. 

" Refolved, V, That for the fame purpofe, it 
is alfo proper that in all cafes where either king- 
dom mall charge articles of its own confumption 
with an internal duty on the manufacture, or a 
duty on the material, the fame manufacture, 
when imported into the other, may be charged 
with a further duty on importation to the fame 
amount as in the internal duty on the manufac- 
ture, or to an amount adequate to conutervail the 
duty on the material, and Ihall be entitled to 
fuch drawbacks or bounties on exportation, as 
may leave the fame fubject to no heavier burthen 

than 



( 26 ) 

than the home-made manufacture; fuch further 
duty to continue fo long only as the internal 
confumption fliall be charged with the duty or 
duties; to balance which it fhall be impofed, 
or until the manufacture coming from the other 
kingdom fhall be fubjected there to an equal 
burthen, not drawn back or compenfated on ex- 
portation. " 

By this refolution, fays Mr. Orde, Irifh goods 
of the defcription defigned, may be imported 
into Britain, and purchafed as cheap there as 
fimiliar goods of her own produce. But the 
fact muft be, that they will be purchafed 
cheaper, and the Englifh manufacture always 
underfold. When Ireland fets up Cotton Ma- 
nufactures, who, that confiders how much 
cheaper ihe can import the material itfelf from 
the IllandSj and the cheapnefs of the labour, 
and the conveniencv of the market, can be 
blind enough not to fee the fuperior advantage 
with which the Iriih Merchant can bring his 
manufactured Cotton to our market, even tho' 
he be fubject on their landing here, to the 
heavy duties lately impofed on Cotton. 

" Refolved, VI. That in order to give Perma- 
rience to the fettlement now intended to be 
eftablifhed, it is necefTary that no prohibition, 
or no additional duties, fhould be hereafter 
impofed in either kingdom, on the importation 
of any article, of the growth, product, or Ma- 
nufature of the other, except fuch additional 
duties, as may be requifite to balance duties on 

internal 



( 2 7 ) 

internal confumption, purfuant to the forego- 
ing refolution." 

To this resolution, Mr. Orde adds — " Thus 
" Linens, duty free, will for ever continue, and 
" the duty on Coals can never be raifed." Let 
the Coal Trade of this kingdom look to this 
article. The Irifh are making great advances in 
eftablifhing this trade among themfelves : they 
have difcovered feveral extenfive collieries of the 
beft quality, and they can fupply the Weft of 
England with them, and indeed all the ports 
oppofite her coafts on the fame terms in point 
of duty, and with much greater advantages in 
every othfer refpect, than our northern ports, i 

"Refolved, VII. That, for the fame purpofe, 
it is neceflary further, that no prohibitions, or 
new or additional Duties, fhould be hereafter 
impofed on either Kingdom, on the exportation 
of any article of native growth, product, or 
manufacture, from thence to the other, except 
fuch as either Kingdom may deem expedient 
from Time to Time, upon Corn, Meal, Malt, 
Flour, and Bifcuits ; and alfo, except where 
there now exifts any prohibition, which is not 
reciprocal, or any duty, which is not equal in 
both Kingdoms ; in every which cafe the pro-* 
hibition may be made reciprocal, or the duties 
raifed fo as to make them equal/' , 

<c Refolved, VIII. That, for the fame purpofe* 
it is neceffary that no bounties whatfoever 
fhould be paid, or payable, in either Kingdom, 

an 



( ?8 ) 

on the exportation of any article to the other, 
except fuch as relate to Corn, Meal, Malt, 
Flour, and Bifcuits, and fuch as are in the 
nature of drawbacks or compenfations for duties 
paid; and that no bounty mould be granted in 
this Kingdom, on the exportation of any article 
imported from the Britifh Plantations, or any 
Manufacture made of fuch article, unlefs in 
cafes where a fimilar bounty is payable in 
Britain on exportation from thence, or where 
fuch bounty is merely in the nature of a draw- 
back, or compenfation of or for duties paid 
over and above any duties paid thereon in Bri- 
tain." 

We will leave it to the landholders, breeders 
of cattle and fheep, in Abort to the country 
gentlemen, to reflect on the confequences of 
this refolution. Corn, cattle, fheep, and all 
the produce of lands, are now to be admitted 
from Ireland on the fame footing as thefe arti- 
cles of our own growth are carried coaftways or 
by inland nnvigation, whilft the Englim land- 
holder pays four millings in the pound land tax, 
and the Iriih landholder not a farthing. It alfo 
affects the fugar refiners. Whatever bounties 
England gives on the exportation of refined 
fugars, Ireland can give the fame; and efta- 
blifh the mofl deftructive rivalfhip with the 
Britifh refiner. 

" Refolved, IX. That it is expedient for the 
general benefit of the Britifh Empire, that the 

im- 



( 2 9 ) 

importation of articles from foreign States mould 
be regulated from to time, in each Kingdom, 
on Aich terms as may afford an effectual pre-* 
ference to the importation of iimilar articles of 
the growth, produce, or Manufacture of the 
other." 

Mr. Orde's comment on this article is, 
" This confirms the preference to the pro- 
<c duce or manufacture of England, over the 
" like goods of foreign countries. Thus the 
C J advantage to the Iriih linens, over thofe of 
" Ruffia and Germany, is for ever confirmed; 
" and the like good confequences will follow 
cc on every other article fimilarly circumftanc- 
" ed." To elucidate this, let us fuppofe the 
importation of flax, on which there is at pre - 
fent no tax : — Ruflia offers to fupply us with it: 
but Ireland fays we muft lay (uclx a duty upon 
Ruffian flax as will give Irifh flax the preference, 
without fuffering us to examine; into the com- 
parative quality, or whether Ireland can fupply 
us in fuflicient quantities. All theie regulations 
have been formed on the Bafis of equality be- 
tween the two countries! let us fee how .we 
ftart in this race of equality : F.ngland is actual- 
ly loaded with the confequences of all the enor- 
mous expences hitherto incurred in the fecurity 
of our trade and the defence of the empire — 
Ireland is totally free from them. England 
pays taxes to the amount of fourteen millions — 
Ireland fcarcely pays one million, and that for 
debts incurred by the deficiences of fupplies for 

E lay 



( 3° ) 

Tier own internal expences ; and fcarce any 
part of that million falls on her Manufactures. 
England muft hereafter maintain the fame dis- 
proportionate eftablifhment, and muft provide 
for its future exigencies — Ireland continues 
with the fame eftablifhment fhe had, and has 
no contingency to dread that will oblige her to 
lay on additional duties. Where then is the 
equality, or what reciprocal advantages has 
been fecured to England for this transfer of her 
commerce ? — All we can difcover like it, is in 
the tenth article : 

" Refolved, X. That for the better protection 
of Trade, whatever fum the grofs hereditary 
revenue of this kingdom (after deducting all 
drawbacks, repayments, or bounties granted 
in the nature of drawbacks) mail produce an- 
nually, over and above the fum of jT mould 
be appropriated towards the fupport of the 
Naval force of the empire, in fuch man- 
ner as the Parliament of this kingdom (hall 
diredV' 

We mail only add the conclufion of Mr. 
Orde's fpeech, as the ftrongeft comment on 

thefc deftru&ive regulations " Thus Great 

< 4 Britain has generoufly lacrificed her prejudice: 
" Has removed all the barriers which Jhe had 
<• rat fed to proteB her trade — Her monopolies are 
« at an end — No longer fecure of being the empo- 
4i rium of commerce, at a time when her bur- 



) 3i ) 

" dens prefs heavy upon her, and when fhe groans 
" under the weight of a debt* incurred in the ge- 
M neral defence of the empire" 

N. B. What fecurity has the Eaft India Com- 
pany, or the Hudfon's Bay Company, got a- 
gainft the confequences of thefe regulations ? 
London, Feb. i8, J 78 5. 



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THE 

SPEECH 

OF T H P 
RIGHT HONOURABLE 

CHARLES JAMES FOX. 

A NEW EDITION, Corrected; 
[Price TWO SHILLINGS.] 



THE 

SPEECH 

OF THE 
RIGHT HONOURABLE 

CHARLES JAMES FOX, 

IN THE 

HOUSE OF COMMONS, 

ON THE 

JRISH RESOLUTIONS, 

0N THURSDAY, MAY 12, 2785. 

TO WHICH IS ADDED 

An Authentic Copy of the RESOLUTIONS, 

as originally propofed and now altered 

by Mr. Chancellor Pitt. 

A NEW EDITION, Corre&ed. 



LONDON: 

Printed for J. DEB RETT, oppofite Burlington 
House, in Piccadilly, 1785. 



THE 



P E E G H 5 Sf« 



Houfe of Commons, 



Die Jo-vis 12°. Matt, 1785, 

TH E Houfe went into a committee of the 
whole Houfe, to conGder further of Irifli 
affairs ^ and having concluded the hearing of evi- 
dence againft the eleven refolutions, fubmitted to 
them as the bafis for the fyftem of commercial in- 
tercourfe between the two countries* 

B^ Mr. 



C * ] 

Mr. Chancellor Pitt rofe, and propofed feveral 
alterations and additions to the refolutions. After 
having dated the whole of them as the fyttem, which 
he offered for the final adjuflment between the 
two kingdoms, he concluded with moving the 
firfl: proportion. 

Lord North faid, that the important alterations 
propofed by the right honourable Gentleman, 
demanded in fairnefs, that the committee fhould 
have time for enquiry and deliberation. He there- 
fore propofed that Mr. Gilbert fhouid leave the 
chair of the Committee, and report progrefs, by 
' which the propofuions as amended,might be printed 
for the ufe of the members, that they might have 
an opportunity of deliberating on their merits be- 
fore they came to decide. He concluded wi?h 
moving, " That Mr. Gilbert da now leave the 
chair. 

The queftion being pur, 

Mr. 



[ 3 ] 

The right honourable CHARLES JAMES FOX 
role and addrefTed himfelf to the chair. 

Mr. Gilbert, 
Though I now rife to fubmit my fentiments on the 
prefent important Subject, yet I beg it may be under- 
flood by the committee, that I fhall chearfully give 
way to any gentleman on the other fide, who may 
be authorized to declare, it is not meant to prefs 
us to a vote this night. I do not conceive it poffi- 
ble indeed, that any objection can be made to the 
motion of my noble friend. The vail: variety of 
matter perfectly new, as well as the numerous al- 
terations of that which we had previoufly before 
us, demanding the mod. minute and accurate dif- 
cufllon ; furely the right honourable Gentleman 
will not force the committee, at an hour fo unfea- 
fonable, to come to a decifion upon fo difficult 
and fo perplexed a fubject. — I have paufed, Sir, 
to give an opportunity for discovering, if fuch be 
the intention of gentlemen ; but I now find 
from their continued filence, it is evident they are 
determined, at all events, to precipitate the 
committee to this extraordinary and unparal- 
klled decifion. — I muft therefore intreat a more 

B 2 than 



I 4 J 

than ufual indulgence from the committee, if, corr*- 
pel:ed as I find myfelf to enter into this important 
difcuflion, I mall, even at fo late an hour, intrude 
for a considerable length of time on their patience. 
The committee will recollect, that in addition to 
the eleven original propofitions, no lefs than Jix teen. 
new ones are now for the fir ft time fubmitted to 
Parliament •, fo that at one o'clock in the morning, 
I have to enter into the difcuflion of no lefs than 
twenty f even of the mo ft importanr and complex 
propofitions that ever were the fubject of parlia- 
mentary debate. Nor is this the whole of the diffi- 
culty : the fixteen fupplemental propofitions are 
not confined to verbal explanations, or to mere 
literal amendments of the former ; on the con- 
trary, they directly change the whole tenour, and 
abiolutely fubvert the main principle of the ori- 
ginal fyftem, upon which the right honourable 
Gentleman declared it to be his fixed intention to 
proceed : fo that in truth they are altogether as, 
unexpected, as they cbvioufly are new and con- 
tradictory. Surely therefore, under circumftan- 
ces fo very novel and embarrafiing, 1 may with 

left 



I 5 ] 

Ms preemption intreat the Committee to forgive 
that unavoidable intrufion on their time, which 
muft be the cqniequence of compelling us 
to come to a vote on fo interrefting and fo com- 
plicated a fubjecl:, before it is fcarcely poftible for 
Gentlemen to form even any general ideas on the 
whole of the lubjeel, as it is now modelled. 

But firfl with refpect to this extraordinary 
fyftem, moft undoubtedly the claim of merit in 
being the author of it, can admit of no question. 
My noble friend has waved all poflible preten- 
fions to it, but not, I am fure, more chearfully 
than I concur with him in declaring it to be the 
fole and entire porTeffion of the right honorable 
Gentleman who has officially produced it. With 
him let the whole credit of it relide, undifputed 
and unenvied — He indeed who contends with 
him for its honours, muft be inftigated by ua- 
juftifiable motives. For furely never did there 
appear a work more compleatly, more indivifibly 
the fole and genuine composition of its author, 
than the prefent fyftem evidently demonftrates 

itfelf 



C « ] 

itielf to be excluflvely the work of the right ho- 
nourable Gentleman. No neceffity can be ailed- 
ged to have given rife to it, for it flows from the 
mere will of the propofer. No urgent — no pref- 
fing calamity bore a fhare in its introduction. It 
is the offspring of peace and domeftic tranquility. 
Surely therefore, it would be falfe and injurious 
to alledge, that the people of Ireland had forced 
the Britiili Minifter into a tame furrender of the 
manufactures and commerce of our country. 
The fact is directly the reverfe. The Britiili 
Minifter has proferred this furrender from his own 
mere motion, his own found- will, and his own 
tmbiafTed judgement. Unqueftionably therefore, 
he, and he only, is clearly intitled to reap and 
to enjoy all the merits and all the honours of a 
iyflem fo completely and fo perfectly his own. 

Perhaps indeed, from the examples which 
the right honourable Gentleman has fo fre- 
quently afforded us of a wonderful perfeve- 
rance in the defence of his own opinions, and 
at the fame time as complete an adoption of the 

amend- 



( 7 ) 

amendments which we fuggeft, and he hirrifelf 
difapproves, we ought not to be very much afto- 
nifhed at any new and fudden appearance that 
his prefent fyfiem may have affumed ; but I 
confefs however, it was with confiderabk 
aftonifhment that I heard the right honourable 
Gentleman Hate his new proportions* For thefe?, 
Sir, are at once, directly, totally, and vitally hi 
contradiction to the whole of that fyfcem on which 
he fet out, and from which, if we had t rafted merely 
to his own folemn declarations, we rouft have be- 
lieved it impoflible that he could deviate in the 
minuted degree — In faying this the Committee 
nmft be fenfible that I fpeak merely from the lm- 
preffion which the Refolutions have made on my 
mind as they were curforily read over and ex- 
plained by the right honourable Gentleman* I 
have not had time, and the Committee are not 
to be permitted to have time, to read and 
Weigh thefe propositions before they determine 
upon their merits — But fuch is the imprefiiort,. 
which on the firft blulh they have made upon my 
mind, 

I have 



( 3 ) 

1 have all along underflood, that the bails 6t 
the right honourable Gentleman's original {yfc 
tem, was, reciprocity in correfpondent duties, and reci- 
procity in the prohibition of the export of raw materials. 
Now thefe principles, in my mind, the right ho- 
nourable Gentleman has compleatly abandoned 
in his new proportions— -for particularly in the 
article of beer, an exception is made to the reci- 
procity in correfpondent duties, and, in the fe- 
Venth refolution a change is made with refpecl to 
prohibitions. The right honourable Gentleman 
has, therefore, retraced and recanted his original 
principles; he has abandoned the ground oii 
which he fet out; and on which he fo frequently 
pledged himfelf that the whole of his proportions 
ftiould ftand or fall. He has abandoned the recipro- 
city in correfpondent duties; he has abandoned 
the reciprocal prohibition of raw materials. In thefe 
inftances, which if they are faid to be trifling in 
themfelves, are not trifles when considered as de- 
partures from principle ; he has abandoned his 
ground^ and by doing this; he opens a new fy ft em, 
and comes forward with a fet of propositions, fo far 

forth 



C 5 ] 

forth diametric ally cppofite to, and fundamentally 
different from, that fyftem which he himfelf has 
moft repeatedly alTared us, could not poffibly ad- 
mit of the flighteft change, and was, indeed, to be 
wholly inviolable* 

The right honourable Gentleman reprobates 
the charge which has been imputed to him, of 
rafhnefs in the criminal proportions* Was there 
ever a charge made with more truth, or demon- 
ftrated with .more clearnefs? Has not the right 
honourable Gentleman's conduct on this day 
given the moft unequivocal teftimony to the ori- 
ginal rajbnefs of his fyftem ? What can be a more 
deciiive proof of original rajhnefs, than fubftquent 
retraftion? The right honourable Gentleman 
brings forward a fet of refolutionsj as the bafis 
of a fyftem for the intercourfe between the two 
countries — He pledges the government of this 
kingdom for the literal eftablilhment of his fyf- 
tem — He proudly reiifts enquiry and fcorns deli- 
beration — but, when circumftances arife which 
he has not ability to overcome, and time, in fpite 

C of 



C « 3 

of his oppofition, is procured for enquiry and dif- 
cuffion, he is conftrained to acknowledge the er* 
rors of h\s firft opinions, and he comes forward with a 
fet of proportions direffly the rev erf "e of the form** 
er — -If this does not exhibit the rafhnefs of the? 
right honourable Gentleman iri colours more 
warm and durable than any with which we on 
this fide the Houfe, were able to characterize his 
conduct, I fubmit to the Committee and the pub- 
lic. The rajhnefs of the right honourable Gentle- 
man, is proved by the right honourable Gentleman 
himfelf; and it is fingularly ftriking — that by the 
whole of his behaviour — the rajhnefs of one day is 
to be proved by the rajhnefs of another. He now 
brings forward to the Committee a fet of Propofi* 
tions directly contradictory to thofe on which her 
firft proceeded ; and having thus himfelf demon- 
ftrated the raihnefs of his own conduct in the firft 
inftance, he becomes enamoured of this boafted 
weaknefs, and yet moft liberally determines that we 
alfo (hall be admitted to a full participation of it y 
by a rafh, premature adoption of thefe his lateft 
notions ; which however, may as fuddenly and as 

con- 



( » ) 

confidently be abandoned as the former. — So hof- 
tile is he to deliberation, fuch an avowed enemy to 
every thing that looks like inquiry and reflection, 
that even on this day, when he is fufFering the 
fliame cf rafhnefs, he calls upon us to be rafh. 
Though his Propofuions have been but once cur- 
sorily read over, and in that reading embellifhed 
and fet off with all the luftre of his eloquence,-— 
though they are perfectly new, — and although he 
has not fubmitted them to the Committee till after 
midnight^ — he demands and compells us to come to 
a vote on them. The decency of this conduct I 
will not infill upon,— but thus driven, thus forced 
to a divifion, I muft, however unwilling to give a 
hafly negative, vote directly againfl his Proposi- 
tions, — as conceiving them to be at the beft unne- 
cejjhry—moft probably as pernicious — but undoubt- 
edly fo productive of an entire change and revo- 
lution in our commercial fyftem, as to involve a 
train of confequences, againfl which the wifeft and 
beft characters of this country might defpair of 
providing any adequate fecurity. 

C 2 But. 



[ 12 ] 

But, Sir, I muft congratulate the committee— I 
mull congratulate my Country on the happy efcape. 
which we have made from the fyftem propofed by . 
the right honourable Gentleman but two months 
fince. That fyftem, the ruin of which has been 
this day fo ably demonftrated, was then within 
four and twenty hours of being carried through this 
Houfe, to which, when we look back on all the 
c ire urn (lances of the cafe, we muft indeed rejoice 
in our fortunate efcape. The firft Propofitions, 
when they were originally opened in this Houfc, 
were pronounced to be fo pure and beneficial — fo 
clearly and demonfirably per feci, that not a moment 
was to be wafted in the vain difcuffion of their 
merits. The right honourable Gentleman there- 
fore inveighed againft the ftrange uncandid 6ppo- 
fuion which was made to thofe his firft Propofi- 
tions. — He attributed the opinions of this fide of 
the Houfe to mere faction and difappointment, — 
he called our folemn appeals to the legifiature and 
to the nation, illiberal artifices to excite unnecefiary 
clamour, — he gave a haughty defiance to the ma- 
nufacturers and merchants, to exhibit any reafon- 

ablq 



[ i3 1 

srble argument againft a fyftem fo replete with every 
beneficial confequence to themftlves ; and he tri- 
umphed in the ci re um fiance, that for fome days 
not a Angle petition was brought to the Houfe from 
any part of the country againft thofe propofitions; 
— afterwards indeed, he was forced to abate from 
this triumph* he found no want of petitions, nor 
of argument, but his language was (till lofty and 
his mind implacable.— His fyftem was fo fuperior 
to the petulance and faction of thofe who oppofed 
it, that he declared his refolution of carrying it 
ifcto a law, even to the letter of the fpecific refolu- 
tions. Convinced, however, as we always were, 
that thefe Refolutions were fraught with injury 
and ruin to the- manufactures and commerce of 
this country, we warned — we conjured the Houfe 
to deliberate — to call for information — to exa- 
mine thofe, who, from their fituations, were the 
mod likely to have intelligence. — We called for 
the Commiflioners of Cuftoms, and the Commiffi- 
oners of Excife — that the Houfe might learn from 
them 3 whether from the operation of thefe Refor 

Unions 



[ H 1 

itttions the revenues of the country were not in* 
ftantly expofed to infurrnountable dangers. The 
right honourable Gentleman reprobated the pro* 
eeeding — He afferted, that we called for thefe 
CommiiRoners merely to gain time— that our pur- 
pofe was infidions delay, in order to inflame the 
public, and ftir up factious clamours. But what 
has been the iffuc of all this ? Will the right ho- 
nourable Gentleman now dare to attribute our 
conduct to thbfe unworthy motives ? The com- 
muTioners, whofe opinions on the fubject he con- 
ferred of fo little avail, have declared by their 
report, that material and alarming injury would 
unavoidably arife from thefe Refolutions, fraught 
as they conceive them to be with innumerable 
dangers. But (till more ftrongly has the right ho- 
nourable Gentleman himfelf 3 on this day, defcri- 
bed, in his own beautiful language, the variety of 
ruinous confequences that mud have attended his 
original fyftem. He himfelf has enumerated to 
the Committee the long train of evils we have 
efcaped, by oppofmg his Propofitions — he him- 
felf has emphatically defcribed the deftru&ion we 

fhould 



f H 3 

fhould have incurred by adopting his own exptcS 
ded fyftem. Let the Committee recoiled the de- 
tail of fatal confequences thus authoratitively ad- 
mitted- . ' 

Firft, it has been now admitted, that if the 
original Refolutions had paffed, We Jhottld havt 
loft for ever the monopoly of the Eaft- India trade. 
It has been admitted, that we could no longer 
have renewed the exclufive charter of the Com- 
pany ; but the filler kingdom, having once an 
equal power with ourfelves to trade to Afia, wc 
muft wholly have depended on the will of Ireland 
for a renewal of the charte.r, by which the mono- 
poly could alone have been maintained. 

If thefe Refolutions had" paiTed into a law, it 
has equally been admitted, We muft have hazarded 
all the revenue arifmg from fpirituotts Liquors ; no' 
diftinftion having been made between our own 
and foreign liquors, nor any provifion thought 
of to prevent their admiffion into this country. 



If 



If thefe Refolutions had paffed into a law, /jf^ 
Jhould equally have facrifaed the whole of the Naviga- 
tion Laws of this country. Thefe laws, the great 
fource of our commercial opulence, the prime 
origin of our maritime ftrength, would at once 
have been delivered up in trull to Ireland, leav- 
ing us for ever after totally dependent on her 
policy* and on her bounty, for the future gttaf- 
dianfhip of our deareft interefts; 

If thefe Refolutions had paffed into a law, w'e 
Jhould have opened the door to a more extenfive con- 
traband trade than ever yet was known to exift in 
this country ; for not a lhadow of protection was 
provided againft every fpecies of fmuggling— ; 
not even the means which we think it neceffary 
to ufe in our own traffic from port to port — that 
of requiring bonds, cockets, and other inftru* 
ments, on goods fent coafiwife. 

If thefe Refolutions had been carried into a tawj 
we Jhould have endangered the lofs of the colonial 
market to the manufactures of Great Britain $ for 

no 



C 17 ] 

no care was taken to prevent Ireland from giving 
bounties, or allowing drawbacks, on goods ex- 
ported to the colonies : fo that it was left in their 
power to give fo decisive an advantage to their 
own manufactures, 3s mufl have afcertained to 
them the market, or, which would have been 
equally ruinous, have forced us to enter into a 
warfare of bounties, to the extinction of our re- 
venues. 

If thefe Refolutions had been carried into a law, 
as Exten/ive dangers mufl have equally been incurred 
by our Colonies j for not a Angle provifion was 
flipulated for laying permanent high duties, in- 
stead of annual high duties, on the produce of 
foreign colonies imported into Ireland : fo that, 
at any future time, Ireland might have taken off 
the annual high duties, and given admiffion to 
the produce of foreign colonies, on terms, which 
muft compleately have ruined our Weil-India 
Iflands — I need not flate to the Committee a faft 
fo univerfally known, as that the produce of our 
polonies is dearer than that of die foreign iflands— 

D But 



[ T8 ] 

But we have neverthelefs preferred the home 
market, on account of the natural interefl: which 
we have in them ; and undoubtedly we mult 
continue to dp fo. — Ireland has no fuch obliga? 
tion — On the contrary, her interefl: would as 
forcibly lead her to the Foreign Colonies. — If 
thefe Refolutions therefore had palTed into a law, 
we mould irretrivably have been bound to our 
part of the bargain, whereas Ireland would 
by no means have been confined to hers. If 
thofe Refolutions had pafTed into a law, by the 
monftrous incongruity of the fifth, it would have 
been in the power of Ireland to draw a revenue 
from cur confumption. — • They had only to lay 
an internal duty in Ireland, on the articles of our 
confumption, equal to the internal duty that 
might exift on fuch articles in this Country, and 
it mini have followed, that they of courfe would 
have drawn the revenue from the country that was 
to confume the goods. — This aftonifhing a'bfur- 
dity is done away by the removal of the latter 
part of the fifth Refolution. — Thus alfo, if thefe 
Refolutions had pafTed into a law, the leather trade 



C *9 ] 

mud as certainly have been ruined ; for though 
We were bound in all future time to fend our 
oak-bark to Ireland duty free, Ireland was not 
bound to prohibit the exportation of faw hides 
to Great Britain, without which the trade could 
hot fubfift. 

Thefe are fome few of the evils, which cbnfef- 
fedly would have taken place, if the original re- 
folutionSj which the right honourable Gentleman 
propbfed but two months ago, had unfortunately 
faffed into a law. All thefe menaces, thefe fatal 
confequences of his own rafh fyfiem, the right 
honourable Gentleman has on this day himfelf 
acknowledged, at the fame moment that he in- 
troduces, for the firft time, a new fet of compli- 
cated Propofliions, in remedy of the detected 
mifchiefs of the former. — In doing this^ he has 
at once compleatly changed the ground on which 
he firft fet out •, for having originally declared, 
that the very fpirit and foul of his fyfiem was to 
fquare and finally determine the relative fituation 
of the two countries, he then maintained that this 
falutary, this grand, primary object, could only 

D2 be 



I 20 3 

be accomplished by a complete and perfect Re- 
ciprocity ; yet that effential, that vital principle, 
he has now totally and directly abandoned, as 
well in the remarkable change, which he has in- 
troduced in the feventh refolution, as in the 
article of Beer, the export of which is of infinite 
confequence. Reciprocity therefore, which was 
the vital principle, the fpirit> the quintejfence of his 
fyflem, is now completely abandoned. 

That thefe alterations are for the better, I moft 
chearfully admit. — Undoubtedly, they tend to 
make the prefent fyflem far more palatable to 
Englifhmen. — Why then, it may be afked, do I 
now Hate them ? — Clearly for this reafon : to 
manifeft to the Houfe the important benefits of 
Deliberation. — I mention them, to fhew, that 
the alarm given by Gentlemen of this fide of the 
Houfe, was a mofl fortunate alarm for this coun- 
try. — By that fortunate alarm, the manufacturing 
communities in every corner of the kingdom have 
been apprized of their danger - 9 they have had 

time to come forward ; they have had time to 

give 



give thofc lights to the Committee, which have 
been the happy means of producing the alterations 
of this day. I mention them to mew what muft 
have been the confequences to the Empire, if the 
Committee had implicitly fallen into the fyftem, 
which the rajhnefs of the Right Honourable Gen- 
tleman, — I will not fay his ignorance, — but which* 
to give it an eafier term, — his extraordinary confi- 
dence in his own abilities, induced him fo peremp- 
torily and fo authorotatively to propofe. 

There is alfo another, and even more powerful 
reafon for my enlarging on thefe important alte- 
rations. It is, Sir, to convince the Committee* 
that there is ftill a powerful appeal to our Equity^ 
our Benevolence, and even our Common Senfe, for 
affording the Merchants and Manufacturers of this 
country a much longer period of deliberation, 
and furely as firong a claim on the juftice of thq 
Minifter, to fufpend the vote of the Committee 
on a queftion of fuch infinite magnitude to all our 
juft and deareft interefts. The Committee will be 
taught, by a dueeftimation of the benefits already 
acquired from falutary delays, that mod important 

advantages 



t « 1 

advantages are ever to be derived from fair inquiry 
and impartial difcuflion. If in two months fuch 
ferious and conlequential errors have been difco- 
vered* what may we not exped: from longer time 
and more careful inveftigation ? If in two months 
the Right Honourable Gentleman has gleaned to 
much from this fide of the Houfe* and from Gen- 
tlemen, whofe ideas he certainly is not much dif- 
pofed avowedly and ingenuoufly to adopt, however 
willing he may be to benefit in fecret from them 5 
what may we not expect, when his bright talents 
have had more time to work on the fuggeftions 
with which we have furnimed him ? That he has 
largely profited from this fide of the Houfe, the 
Committee will readily perceive % neither will they* 
I believe, confider it extremely preiumptuous, if 
I arrogate fonie degree of honour to myfelf, in* 
having contributed a little to the amendments 
of this day* From my Right Honourable Friend 
(Mr. Eden) the Minifter has certainly collected 
many more of his new opinions. Surely,- therefore* 
from the excellent ufe, which the Right Honour- 
able Gentleman has already made of our dilcove- 
ries and fuggeftions, it will more and more be the 

Willi 



[ 2 3 ] 

w'\ft\ of all impartial men, that he fhould have 
time to mature the many other matters, which he 
has not yet fo far honoured us as entirely to adopt. 
For what muft be the fruits of thole ideas, how 
ample, how rich muft be the harveft they produce, 
vvhen his proteca:;ng hand fhail raife them from 
obfcurity to a richer foil; when he himfelf (hall 
f f tranfplant them to his own fair garden, where 
" the Sun always mines," Nothing furely can 
be more beneficial than to wait for their mature 
prcduftion. — I ipeak for myfelf, and I am fare I 
may fpeak alfo for my Right Honourable Friend, 
and the other gentlemen round me, that we 
{hall be happy to truft our progeny to his care. 
If he is a plagiary, he is a plagiary uncommonly- 
endowed ; for he decorates that which he deals itv 
apparel fo gay and luxuriant, — he enriches what* 
ever he takes with fuCh additions of flowers and 
embroidery ? that though, as their legitimate pa- 
rents, we recognize our own offspring, we view 
them with no fmall degree of wonder in their 
ftrange and fumptuous attire. On this day, 
indeed, we may be proud to contemplate the pre- 
dominating efficacy of our own fuggeftionsj and 

on 



C 24 ] 

an this day alone has the Right Honourable Gen* 
tleman, for the very firft time, condefcended to 
depart from the ufual ftatelinefs and overbearing 
fenfe of his own fuperiority. Upon this day, with 
new and unaccuftomed affability, he neither re* 
probates nor reviles the opinions to which he has 
deigned to accede. It is to ns a ftrange and 
unexpected triumph, not indeed to have our ideas 
received by the Right Honourable Gentleman, (in 
that acceptance he is courtefy itfclf) but to hear 
them, even in the moment they are admitted, un- 
ftigmatifed by the receiver, nor as ufual traduced 
ip words, while they are approved in fact, and 
vilified at the very moment of their adoption. 

The Right Honourable Gentleman, whom 
my noble friend (Lord North) moft truly 
painted, when he afTerted, that " he had a 
" mind which found gratification in invec- 
f; rive," * has this day alluded to a letter, writ- 
ten 

# Lord North faid, in the courfe of his fpeech, " There 
c< are fome men, Mr. Gilbert, who Teem to b,e organized 
** for (lander, — There are fome men who, by the pecu- 
«i liar temperament of their nature, find gratification in 

** inveftive 



f. *5 ] 

ten by the noble Lord, as a difpatch from Ireland, 
during the adminiftration of which I had the ho- 
nour to make a part, and he has infinuated, that 
the letter manifefted an intention in that admini- 
ftration to have gone the lengths of the prefent 
fyftem, " if they had had energy fufficient for 
V« fo great an adventure." I did not expecl, that 
even from him fuch a conftruetion would have been 
put upon that difpatch. From his colleagues in 
effiee, I am confident of meeting with more can- 
dour. But the letter has been read. I fubmit to 
the Committee the terms of that letter, and call 
upon them to fay, if the Englifh language could 
furnifh exprefllons more decifive of the contrary 
opinion, than thofe in which we declared to the 
then Lord Lieutenant, that we could not encourage 

M inveftive, and fo eager are they for the enjoyment of 
" their luft, that they go about to feek for blemifhes, ii? 
t* order to expofe them ; and in the purfuit of their game f 
if they will fometimes pretend to find them were they are 
•• not. Such men, if they propofe any meafure, are in- 
M finitely more defirous to make it ftand upon the faults of 
M others, than on its own merits — And fuch a man I take 
V the Right Honourable Gentleman to be,'^ 



If 2$ 3 

him to make a promife to Ireland, which, if ful* 
filled, would be deftru&ive to Britain. In that 
opinion we were then unanimous — and to that 
opinion we firmly adhere. — But are thefe the arts 
by which the noble Lord and I are to be degraded 
in the eyes of Britain ? Let the minifter perfift 
in thefe unworthy infcnuations. He fhall 
not deter us rom what we know to be our 
duty. He fhall not overcome that deliberate 
firmnefs, which, after healing the calamities of 
Ireland, and happily eftablifhing both hef 
commercial and conflitutional liberty, had fuffi-' 
cient fpirit, fufEcient juftice to withhold what it 
v/ere ruin to relinquifh, and what indeed was as, 
little expected or fought by Ireland, as it was fafe 
or jufl for an Adminiflration here to beflow. 
That letter, which was written by the Noble Lord 
in his official capacity, was of too much confe-" 
ouence to be written under the fanclion of any- 
individual department. Every one of his Ma~ 
jelly's confidential fervants was privy to the mea- 
iute, nor was any difpatch ever made up on a more 
decided and unanimous opinion. Let the right 

honourably 



£ 27 3 

Kbnanr^ble Gentleman refer to fome of his preferit 
colleagues for information on the point. " As to 
'* the want of energy— the temporizing 'fpirit — =■ 
'* the half rheafures — and the expedients of getting 
c< over a feflion by a Pofl Office or an Admiralty 
** Court ;"— all thefe are infmuations which mjr 
noble friend has compleatly refuted. Neither 
the Poll Office nor the Admiralty Court were con- 
ceded as expedients to get over a feiTion. They were 
neither given nor accepted as boons. They were 
trie natural confequences of the previous change 
of fyflem. They flowed naturally from the new 
iltuation in which Ireland ftood, by the indepen- 
dence of her legidature. What occafion ha"d we 
for expedients to get over a feflibn ? The Lord 
Lieutenant of that day enjoyed as high a degree 
of confidence, and deferved it as well, • as any no- 
bleman that ever filled the flatiori. We were 
guilty of no violences , and there exifled no cla- 
mour* 

I cannot help flopping here for a moment to 
make a remark on a curious diftinction to which 

ft 2 the 



C 28 3 

the right honourable Gentleman appears rftoff 
remarkably attached— a diflindtion which betrays 
a feeling that I cannot well defcribe — a fort of 
[elf complacency— z. kind of over-pleafure with his 
own fituation. In fpeaking of the Noble Lord, 
in the Blue Ribband at different periods, he is ever 
olicitous of diftinguifhing between the Firfi Lord of 
the Treafary and the mere Secretary of State. In the 
one character he afcribes to him all the dignity of 
fovereign rank, of ' fuperintendency, and of file author 
rity — In the other, he confiders him as rather acting 
under or with a miniftry, than as a Minifter pof- 
feffed either of power or refponfibility. He fays 
of him at one time, " When the Noble Lord was- 
w the Minifter of the country" At another, u When 
" the Noble Lord held zfubordinatt fituation in the 
€X Cabinet."— -By thefe diftinetions, the right ho* 
nourabie Gentleman takes a juvenile pleafure in- 
glancing at his own elevation.. He confiders the 
perfonage who fills the united offices of Chancel- 
lor of the Exchequer, and Firfl Lord of the Trea- 
fury, as a character fo lofty and exalted, fo fuper- 
eminent in his, ftation, that he mult on no account 

be 



t *9 3 

fee confounded with inferior perfons. In like mari- 
ner when he talks, of Coalitions, and reprobates 
them* he is moved by the fame feeling. His 
charge againft me and others* is for coalefcing 
with the Minijler — tht great fuper intending Afi- 
iiifier of the American war ! His own Coalitions 
he can readily defend by the very fame diftin&ion 5 
" I own, he fays, I have certainly coalefced with 
*fome of the minifters, who were concerned in 
* l the patronage and conduct of the American 
" war— they, however, were inferior characters — 
<s Lordsj Chancellors of England, and fuch like per- 
" fons, of no account— but never have I b^tn fy 
<c infamous and abandoned* as to form a coalition 
€t with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the 
€t Firft Lord of the Treafury—thz great fuferintend- 
€t ing Minijler of the Crown, who was the foul of 
H the fy^^em."— I do not, Sir, enlarge upon tfifc 
feeling of the right honourable Gentleman, as a 
charge againft him— It is a feelings in the enjoy- 
ment of which, I am by no means inclined to di» 
fturb him: a feeling, in the indulgence of which, 
I know indeed of no perfon that has" any intereft 

ft 



f 3° ) 

to difturb him, unlefs indeed there may be fome! 
of his immediate colleagues, who may think it 
would be fomewhat more decent in him' to gratify 
his paffion or his pride in a mode lefs publicly^ 
cffenfive both to their fpirit and their dignity* 

But to return to the Proportions on the 
table, I mud now renew the obfervation that I 
made in the outfet of this bufinefs, namely, that 
there was a grofs and fundamental error in origi- 
nating thefe Propofitions in the Irifh Parliament* 
Independant of the infult to the Farliamens 
of this country, in not fubmitting, for their 
confideration, a great and extenfive innova- 
tion in the whole fyftem of our commerce, till 
after it had been determined upon in Ireland ; 
furely the experience of this day fufrlciently 1 
demonftrates the impolicy of fo ftrange a meafure— 
For is it not evident, that, after the Parliament 
and people of Ireland have been fuffered to cherifh 
the belief, that the Refolutions which the mini tiers 
•f that kingdom allured them, would be religH 

cutty 



( 3i ) 

oufly adhered to as the bafis of the new fyftem— * 
the Minifr.rs or England come forward, and change 
the fpirit, principle and tendency of thefe Retalia- 
tions ? Is it to be imagned, that, after the folemn 
pledge, which the people of Ireland have received 
from their minifters, and which undoubtedly was 
held out to their Parliament, as a fufficient ground 
for an immediate exccnfion of their revenue; is it 
to be imagined, I fay, that, by any private tam- 
pering with the individual leaders of a party, the 
whole body of that nation will as rapidly aaqui- 
efce in the fupplemental Refolutions now brought 
forward, as they at firft did in the original Propo-* 
fitions; and when too the latter are directly framed, 
to weaken and diminifh the effect of the former, 
which they who propofed them in Ireland, had 
preremptorily infilled fhould never undergo the 
flighteft or moll minute infringement ? Nothing 
could be more abfurd than the ftate of this pro- 
ceeding, Firft, the original Proportions were 
made in Ireland — Now the amendments are 
made in England. The Irifli thus expofed 
what alone would content them, and they were 

pffcre4 



[ 3* 3 

offered it without knowing whether it was what 
England would grant— ^Now England is called 
upon to fay what fhe will give, without knowing 
whether it is what Ireland would take. Thus 
3 double inconveniency and dilemma arifes from 
the ftrange and incoherent proceeding Isfor was 
this tfyconly impolicy in the mode pf conducting 
fhis extraordinary meafure. 

His Majefty's Minifters erected a Board of Trade 
under the name of a Committee of the Privy Coun- 
cil, which certainly with proper regulations, \ 
fliould confider as a wife and wholefome inftitu- 
tion ; but this Board was appointed not to pre- 
pare materials for the fyftem with Ireland \ not 
to fupply Government with information upon 
which they might deliberately proceed, to the ad- 
juftment of the intercourfe between the two king- 
doms. On the contrary, this Board was appointed 
to inquire rather into the propriety of what Mi- 
nifters were actually doing, than of what they 
ought to do. For at the precife time when Mr. 
Secretary Orde firft agitated the bufinefs in the 

Irifn 



[ 33 1 

Irilh Houfe of Commons, this Committee of Privy 
Council were employed in the examination of 
evidence, and the difcufiion of points, on which 
the merits of the propofed arrangement were ul- 
timately to be eftimated. Never furely was a 
Board of Privy Council fo perverted, fo degraded 
as this ! not appointed to inveftigate and examine 
all the neceflary evidence as a preliminay to an 
important meafure — not conftituted to deliberate 
on the various effects and confequences of a great 
national charge, the outline of which was merely 
in idea, unfettled, and unadopted by the Mini- 
fter; but in fruth to provide a pofthumous de- 
fence for a plan already fixed, and to fabricate a 

vindication for mifchiefs, too far advanced to admit 
of qualification or amendment. With fuch views, 
and for fuch purpofes, was this Board of Privy- 
Council at firft convened. — A right honourable 
Gentleman(Mr Jenkinfon) whofe feelings, on being 
ftudioufly excluded from all the miniflerial de- 
partments of State, it was found not wholly un- 
expedient to confole and foothe, by fome tempo- 
rary delegation of infignificant eminence, was pru- 

F dently 



8 34 } 

dently appointed to the prefidency of this mock 
Committee. No higher mark of confidence was 
then bellowed on the now avowed afibciate of the 
great fuperintendant Minifter — On the report 
however of fuch a Board thus conflituted, and 
thus directed, did the Chancellor of the Exche- 
quer call upon this Houle, to depend with unre- 
ferved confidence for the complete juftification 
©f his plan — In other words, we were to truft the 
mod important rights of Britifh Commerce to the 
opinion of a Board of the King's Privy Coun- 
fellors, appointed by the King's Minifters them- 
felves, to enquire whether the meafure that they 
had adopted was wife or the contrary — Can the 
Committee imagine any thing more trifling, more 
frivolous, more vain and abfurd, than fo partial 
an appeal ? Do we not all know that when his 
Majefty's Minifters are committed on any one 
point, the fervants whom they employ, mull be 
careful not to deliver an opinion hoftile to that 
meafure ? The Board of Council are felqcled by 
the Minifters not as deliberate judges of his con- 
duel: ; it were the extreme of folly to confider 

them 



[ 35 3 

them in fuch a light— on the contrary, it was their 
object to afford every pofiible fupport to meafures 
which they were called upon directly to countena ce. 
This always was, and ever mud be the cafe ; and 
fo indeed the Committee of Privy Council, in the 
prefent inftance, feem entirely to have confidered 
it. At firft, indeed, before the Minifter had 
thought it lafe to communicate his plan to the 
right honourable Prefident of this Board, fome 
opinions, far from favourable to the plan, did 
appear upon their Minutes, and of courfe, are flill 
to be diicovered in their Report •, but this was a 
tranfient gloom ; from the moment that the pre- 
fent complete intelligence and intimacy was efta- 
blifhed between the right honourable Prefident 
and the ministers, a new light ieemed to flafh ac 
once on the whole Board of Council ; the happielt 
means were inftantly purfued to effect the con- 
cealment of Ministerial error ; the moft deciGve 
mode of examining witneffcs was fyftematically 
obferved — not only the molt apt and artful queftions 
were propounded, but with equal fkill the moft 

fortunate anfwers were generally provided — all 

F 2 however 



C 36 ] 

however v/as carried on with much plaufibility and 
itatelir.efs of deportment. — " It was an open Court 
€% — i c was acceffible to witneflcs of all de<crip- 
" tions, and accordingly (as was repeatedly af- 
" ferted\ Gentlemen attended them of their own 
u accord, and voluntarily offered their impartial 
KC teftimony, on the various articles of their re- 
" fpective manufactures." — But how has this de- 
fcription been verified ? — We have it in proof, 
that every individual witnefs, who attended that 
Board, was exprefsly fent for — and that queftions 
were put of an abftract nature, and on premifes 
unexplained. We have found too that the an- 
fwers fo obtained were referved, to be brought in 
contradiction to opinions, which, when the pre- 
mifes were fully examined, and the confequences 
weighed, ic was obvious could not fail to be 
ftated in tcftimony at the Bar of the Houfe of 
Commons. The right honourable Gentleman, 
who is at the head of this Board (Mr. Jenkinfon) 
has thought proper however to inform us, that 
the Manufacturers were voluntary attendants on 
the Committee-— But to this more than one Gen- 
tleman 



[ 37 3 

tit man of eminence and refpcct has directly an- 
fwered, that in truth the witncilcs were exprefsly 
fent for; Mr. Role of the Treafury having re- 
peatedly entreated them to attend the Committee 
— " Ay, fays the right honourable Gentleman, but 
*\ ive have nothing to do with Mr, Rofe, nor with 
" the 'Treafury — We did .not fend for you." 

It is faid in praife of fimplicity of action, 
" That the right hand knoweth not what the left 
hand doeth. " Perhaps this may be the cafe 
here; but which, Sir, is the right hand and which 
the left of the prefent Adminiftration, it is not fo 
eafy to afcertain. Certainly the Chancellor of the 
Exchequer has till of late been fond of difclaim- 
ing all connection with certain obnoxious cha- 
racters ; He has generally, in high tone and 
pompous parade, difavowed and reprobated all 
intimacy, all friendfhip, all connection, with the 
right honourable Gentleman who has long been 
fufpected of promoting an undue influence in the 
Government of this country. But all this was 
the language of a period when the momentary 

popn- 



C 33 ] 

popularity which the Minifter had obtained had 
placed him above the degradation of fo obnoxious 
a connexion — When the conduct of the popular 
branch of the Conftitution was bellowed upon the 
prefent Minifter, under the defcription and cha- 
racter of a popular ftatefmen, it would indeed 
have been madnefs in the extreme to have held 
any other language of one whofe habits, whofe 
principles, whofe avowed prejudices marked him 
out as utterly difqualified for a fituation, which 
even in common prudence, ought never to be 
fubject to the direct controul, or to the difguifed 
influence of Prerogative. When the fcene how- 
ever began to change, when the Irifh Refolutions 
excited allarm, and the minds of men were irri- 
tated at fo lavifh a furrender of every thing that 
was dear> — when the right honourable Gentleman 
began to feel himfelf weak and infecure — his 
language was lefs inflated — his proud rejection 
of obnoxious characters was heard no more. 

" Telephus et Peleus, cum pauper et exul uterque, 
«• Projicit Ampul/as etfdjquipedalia Verba. 

< c Mifery makes us acquainted with ftrange com- 
panions". 



[ 39 J 

panions." — For my own part, Sir, though I have 
always conlidered the right honourable Gentle- 
man alluded to, as an objectionable character for 
mixing in the conduct of the Britifti Government, 
yet I mull do him the juftice to fay, that in - 
this lingular inftance his cautious temper, his 
patient laborious habits have undoubtedly been 
well employed in correcting the ftrange incohe- 
rent levities of the original proportions. And 
therefore it would be wholly unfair to withhold 
the merit of fome of the alterations of this day 
from the inftruction and advice fo generoufly ad- 
miniftered by the right honourable Gentleman 
(Mr. Jenkinfon) in the hour of danger and ne- 
cefiity. 

But to return to the Committee of Privy Coun- 
cil ; I cannot fupprefs my indignation at the 
petty, miferable plan which I am forry to find 
they have purfued ; of firfl entrapping witnefTes 
by inducing them to give hafty anfwers to ques- 
tions unexplained — and afterwards in endeayour- 
ing to detect contradictions in their evidence, 

when 



[ 40 1 

when they came, at the diftance of fix weeks, to 
fpeak at the bar of this Committee. Upon fuch 
conduct, very ill becoming in a Board of Privy 
Councel, I cannot but obferve, that undoubtedly 
it would have been far more graceful for the 
right honourable Gentleman to have lent his ut- 
mofl aid to the manufacturers of this country, 
when they were forced to the bar of this Com- 
mittee in fupport of their deareft privileges — 
furely upon fuch an occafion he ought himfelf to 
have manfully declared, " I rejoice to fee you 
" here— eager as I am for the difcovery of truth, 
€C I am happy that you are come to explain all 
" thofe points in which you have either been 
•* miflated or mifapprehended, by the Committee 
c< of Council — You have now an opportunity to 
" correct thofe errors — Improve it with all the 
" fincerity and the zeal that are the befl charac- 
" teriflics of Englifhmen." Such ought to have 
been his language, for furely it is by no means 
difcreditable for a man of the ftridefl honour to 
explain his opinions, when more mature i ejec- 
tion and greater light on the fubject have con- 
vinced 



I 41 ] 

Vinced him that he was wrong. And yet in pur* 
fuing a line of conduct diametrically oppofite to 
that which I have deicribed ; in adopting the 
poor and miferable expedient which the Minifler 
preferred to the plain feeling of juftice and ho- 
nour, 1 pledge myfelf to prove, that, with all 
their finifler induftry to confufe and to prevent* 
they have completely and utterly failed ; for not 
a fingle inftance have they been able to offer of 
glaring and material contradiction upon any 
one of the numerous witnefTes who have been 
the conftant obje&s of their illiberal at* 
tacks. 

1 have faid, Sir, that fo far as I have been 
able to comprehend the alterations by hearing 
them once read over, I am ready to acknowledge 
they are now infinitely more palateable than at 
firft— but I defire it may be understood, that I 
Jftill infill they are by no means what they ought 
to be — much of my objection remains, and I 
have no doubt, but that when Gentlemen come 
to difcufs the amended Refoiutions, they will 
yet exhibit weighty arguments againft their ac- 

G ceptance 



I 4* 1 

ceptance as the bafis of the future intercourfe 
between the two countries. 

The right honourable Gentleman has now re* 
moved the objection which originaly exifted a* 
gainfi: the firft Refolutions; namely, that wc 
thereby facrificed the Monopoly of the Afiatic 
trade. — How the right honourable Gentleman 
could originally overlook that moft important 
concern, unlefs he meant to abolifh the mono- 
poly, is a point for which I am utterly at a lofs 
to account — Surely, the peculiar fervices which 
the Company have rendered to hisAdminiftration, 
jnight well have claimed a more ferious attention 
to their particular interefls, than the right honour- 
able Gentleman feems to have paid them at the 
prefent important crifis : but roufed to the per- 
formance of his duty by the zeal of Gentlemen 
on this- fide of the Houfe, he has at length indeed 
made forne provifion for the fecurity of the Eafl- 
India trade — Certainly I do not grudge to the 
people of Ireland the benefits which he. has al- 
lotted to them in this branch of commerce- 
It is by no means improper that they fhould 

have 



C 43 ] 

have a fhare of the. out-fit of the Eafl>India 
ihips, as they confent to a part of the return- 
Excluded from the commerce of Afia, it feems 
but barely equitable to permic them to fupply 
fome proportion of the export trade. On the con* 
trary, if at any time, either the neceflities or the 
mere will of the Eaft-India Company ihould re- 
fort to Ireland forfuch fupplies, in preference to 
the eftablifhed trade with their own native dealers, 
I am fure there is no Englifhman of fenfe or 
fpirit who would debar Ireland from every fair 
participation of thofe benefits which may be 
fafely and juftly divided. 

The right honourable Gentleman has made ufe 
of the moft unfortunate argument that I ever 
heard delivered by the moft unfortunate fpeaker 
in this or in any aflembly. He fays, that giving 
to Ireland the Englifh market for the iflue of 
Colonial produce, though it will not enable the 
Irifh to enter into any dangerous competition 
with us at home, will yet be of great avail to 
fhem, for they will thereby be more capable of 
ttking advantage of the foreign market. This 
C 3 h? 



L 44 ] 

he explains by faying, that having the iflue of 
the Englifh market to depend upon in the laft 
refort, they will have a greater fpur to adven- 
ture — they will import more of the produce of 
the Colonies — and trufting to the power which 
thev will now have of coming in the end to 
England with their commodities, they will ftrive 
to increafe their foreign trade, and necefTarily 
make their country a fort of commercial depot. — 
If this argument is true of the colonial produce- 
it is equally true of their own manufactures — 
If the new advantage of having the Englifh 
market as an iflue is to enable them to pufh their 
foreign trade to a confiderable increafe in the 
colonial produce, then with precifely the fame 
ground may we contend that having the iflue of 
the Englifh market they will be able to advance 
their foreign trade for their manufactures. Here 
then is an end to all the inveftive which was 
thrown on the manufacturers for having aflerted 
that thofe Refolutions would affect the manu- 
factures of Great Britain in the foreign market. — 
They were told with petulance, that they did not 
underfland the matter j and that if there was 

srny 



[ 45 3 

any danger of meeting a powerful competitor in 
the Irifli manufacturers at the foreign market, 
that that danger exifted before — that the foreign 
market had always been open to the Irifh manu- 
facturer — True — and of this they were not ig- 
norant — But Ireland had not till now the fure 
iffue of the Englifa market as a collateral fecu- 
rity for enterprize, and as a fpur to {peculation. 
I thank the right honourable Gentleman for this 
argument, but I mull apprize him that it referrs 
more to manufactures than to colonial produce. 
Does he not know, that in colonial produce the 
home market is every thing, and the foreign 
market nothing. In manufactures it is the con- 
trary, or nearly fo. There was good ground 
therefore for the manufacturers tp ftate, that they 
ftiould now find a dangerous competitor in Ire« 
Jand at the foreign market. — . 

Now, Sir, with refpect to the Navigation AR t 
upon which I have faid fo much in the courfe of 
this difcuffion, do we not now find that all my 
apprehenfions were well founded? The right 
honourable Gentleman has at length acknowledged 

that 



C 46 ] 

that the Navigation Aft was in danger, notwith- 
fending his repeated declarations to the con- 
trary. — This conviction of the danger may be 
collected from the nature of the remedy he has 
thought it expedient to adopt. — Strong muft 
have been the apprehenfions which fuggefted 
fuch a relief. It is a relief, which in the peculiar 
circumftances of the two kingdoms, will require 
very particular consideration indeed, as its ten- 
dency is no lefs than this, that notwithftanding 
the Independance of Ireland, fhe muft flill in com- 
mercial laws and external kgijlation be governed by 
Britain* That {he mall agree to follow whatever 
regulations we may think it right to purfue from 
time to time for fecaring privileges to our fhip- 
:ng, or for retraining the trade with our colo- 
nies, and that fuch laws fhall be in full force 
in Ireland, is a remedy certainly of a very 
hazardous kind, but, Sir, though it goes fo far, 
it does not fatisfy me, — it is dangerous indeed^ 
but not efficacious, nor do I think that, (trong 
and bitter as it is, it will be attended with the 
effects of preventing the various and radical evils 
which are attached to this pernicjoijs fytfenj, \ 

m 



t 47 3 

am of opinion, that even if Ireland (ho utd agree 
to this provision, we (hali deliver up into the cuftcay 
of another, and that an independent nation, all our 
fundamental laws for the regulation of our trade, 
and we muft depend totally on her bounty and 
liberal fprit for the guardianfliip and protection 
of our deareft interefts. — Now, Sir, although I 
feel as flrong a difpofition of partiality and fa- 
vour towards the Irifh nation as any man in this 
houfe. — Although I believe them to be a people 
as diftinguifhed by liberality as any people upon 
earth, yet this is not of all others, the particular 
point in which I would ehufe to truii to their 
liberality. I think the guardianfhip of the laws 
which I have mentioned, can be deposited in no 
hands fo properly as in our own. It would be 
the intereft of Ireland to evade thefe laws, — and 
I afk you what fecurity there is for the due per- 
formance of a commercial contract, when it is 
the intereft of a nation to evade it. He who 
tru ids to the vague and rafh notions of abftract 
right in preference to the conftant and uniform 
teftimony of experience, will find himfelf mile- 
rably 4wC,eived in his calculations on all fub- 



[ 43 ] 

jefts of commercial or political difcuffiofl* . 
When it is the intereft of a nation to evade a 
law — that law will be evaded. It always was fo, 
—and it always will be fo. Perhaps there is no 
inftance of a country more tenacious of engage- 
ments than our own; but, do we not all know, 
that finding the illicit trade which was fome time 
ago carried on to the Spanifh Main highly bene- 
ficial to the country, that that trade was conniv- 
ed at, though in the very teeth of our national 
engagements. Now, Sir, when it (hall be felt 
that Ireland will be materially benefited by 
evading our laws, and that the introduction 
of foreign fugars will be fo much more valuable 
to them than the legal importation of our colonial 
produce, is it to be imagined that the people of 
Ireland will, out of mere love and liberality, ihut 
their eyes againfl: their own immediate intereft, 
or that the laws which may be made in confor- 
mity with this new fyftem, will be enforced with 
vigour and with efficacy. Intereft is the leading 
impulfe with nations, and it fuppofes nothing 
unfavourable to the Irifh, to fuppofe that the 
common feelings which actuate all mankind in 

their 



C 49 ] 

<their public character as ftates, may prevail fjfo 
with them, when it ihall be found that foreiga 
fugars may be introduced 15 or 20 percent, 
cheaper than our own, and when it mall be found 
than they can be introduced in American bottoms 
cheaper than in fhipping navigated according to 
the law of Great Britain, it isidle to fuppofe that 
they will not be fo introduced, that this finifter 
advantage will not be fo obtained, that is in other 
words, that the commerce of England will not 
be fo affe&ed and diminifhed. Mr. Orde on 
opening his f) ftem to the Irilh Parliament, if we 
may truft to the report of the newfpapers, (and 
that we may do fo, is evident from this circum- 
flance, that though Mr. Orde was in London fe- 
veral days, he never came down to the Houfe to 
contradict the reports, though argument was daily 
founded upon them) ftated that Cork would be- 
come the emporium of the Empire — This expref- 
lion to be fure, he afterwards changed to a term 
more profaic and modeft, affirming that his ori- 
ginal phrafe had been, that Cork would be- 
come the medium of trade to the Empire, The 
difference is immaterial, except in the found of 

H the 



[ 50 1 

the word, for by medium I can underftand nothing 
elfe, thau that the produce of the Weftern W orld 
will in the rirft inltance be imported into Ireland, 
be depofited there as the magazine of the Empire, 
and be fubfequently dealt out to Britain as her 
wants may make'fuch application neceflary — We 
have a lefs founding and lefs intelligible phrafe, 
but the real meaning remains flill the fame, and 
the meafure of oppreffion and injury unchanged 
or abated — That Ireland will be this medium, I 
have no doubt, and its being fo, will produce an 
evil beyond the mere lofs of the direct trade to 
our colonies, for there-is every reafon to believe, 
that by this means the produce of the French 
and other foreign colonies will find their way 
into the country, to the ruin of our Weft India 
planters and merchants. But, fays the right 
honourable Gentleman, it is not to be believed, 
that a circuitous voyage % this will be, can be 
preferred to a communication with our colonies j 
and in a whifper he fays acrofs the houfe, that 
Britain even now fupplies the Irifh market with 
colonial produce. — This, Sir, in my opinion 
ftrengthens my argument. Such is the decided be- 
nefit 



[ 5* ] 

tiefit refulttng from having two markets inftead of 
one, that now we are able with all the difadvamage 
of the circuitous voyage, to lupply Ireland. What 
then mud be the confequence to Ireland when 
ihe fhall enjoy the double market, added to all 
the advantages anting from harbours fo admira- 
bly accommodated by the hand of Nature for the 
intercourfe in queftion, from cheap labour and 
from an almofl: total exemption from national 
burthens.— She will indeed become the Emporium^ 
or if the right honourable Gentleman, out of 
compliment to his friends in England, likes it 
better, the Medium of trade to the general Em- 
pire, and indeed almofl exclufively fo with re- 
ipeclTto the produce of our colonies. 

The right honourable Gentleman has been 
anxious to fet up an argument in favour of this 
country, that great capital would in all cafes over- 
balance cheapnefs of labour. I know this to be 
the fafhionable petition of the prefent times and 
of the prefent Government. But general por- 
tions of all kinds ought to be very cautioufly 
admitted indeed on fubjectsfo infinitely complex 

H 2 and 



C 52 J 

and mutable as politics or commerce — A wife 
man heiitates at giving too implicit a credit to- 
any general maxim of any denomination, and 
with this convidron in my mind I am prepared to 
contra vert the pofition of the right honourable 
Gentleman, at the fame time that I do not defire 
to be undei flood or wifhing to eftabliih it con- 
trary — I do not think that Great Capital will al- 
ways overbalance cheapnefs of labcur — nor that 
cheap labour will always overbalance great 
capital — As general theorems I difpute both,, 
at the fame time that I am clearly of opinion, 
that under certain circumftances both may be 
true — We have known feveral inHances in which 
cheapnefs of labour has triumphed over great- 
nefs of capital. In the rapid tranfltions of for- 
tune in this country, do we not daily perceive the 
triumphs of induftry over wealth ; have we not 
abundant precedents to mew that our manu- 
factures have changed their pofitions in this 
country merely on account of the cheapnefs of 
kbour and provision ? Have they not within 
thefe thirty years travelled into Scotland, and 
h it not likely that for precifely the fame reafon, 

together 



I 53 3 

together with other incitements, they will mi- 
grate to Ireland. But, fays the right honour- 
able Gentleman, the difference is not fo great as- 
is imagined in the price of labour. It is only 
rude labour which is cheap in Ireland — -and the 
finer parts of work are much dearer there than 
in England. In Proof of this aifertion he brings 
Captain Brook to the Bar of the Houfe of Com- 
mons, a Gentleman who has eftablifhed a very 
confiderable manufactory of Cottons in Ireland. 
Whether it is perfectly proper to bring Gentle- 
men from Ireland to give evidence before the 
Houfe of Commons, on a fubjecl that is to be- 
nefit Ireland and not England, I will not take up 
much time to enquire. The Irifh are beyond all 
quefiion much interefted in the conclufion of this 
bargain,, and exclusively fo as to hopes of benefit; 
their evidence therefore as parties iniluenced and 
prejudiced, may perhaps be deemed improper when 
brought forward to iupport the fyfcem •. and to 
perfuade this Houfe. — I know it may be faid, that 
MefTrs.Richardfon/vValker^Feele, and others, who 
have given, evidence on the other fide are alio inter-" 

relied 



[ 54 } 

Tefled hi the termination of this compact— 3 
I admit the fad:— but on which fide does their 
■interefl lie ? — and to which ought we in this 
Houfe to incline- ? — They are interrefted for 
England, of which we are the deligated guar- 
dians — Mr. Brook is interefted for Ireland, who- 
is on the other fide negotiating for herfelf. 
Taking it therefore in that point of view, I 
cannot hefttate a moment on the path which 
it becomes me as a Britifh Member of Parlia- 
ment to purfue in the credit which I am to be- 
ftow on the evidence adduced. But in this point 
of the cheapnefs of rude labour, hear what the 
intelligent Mr. Peele fays. — u The finer parts of 
" work cannot be carried on without the ruder* 
" It is on the rude work that the hand is quali- 
<c fled in its Art — and every man who is em- 
" ployed in the finer branch was firft employed 
" in the coarfer." The cheapnefs of rude labour 
is therefore an advantage which in manufactures 
of the fineft kind mud be highly favourable \ 
but in thefe which are in their quality coarfe, 
muft give to the Country a decifive fuperiority* 
In one inftance this has been proved. A manu- 
facturer 



I 55 1 

farmer of Norwich gives it in evidence that he 
can buy in Norwich, Irifh worded yarn cheaper 
than he can buy Englim — although it is fubjecl: 
to five or fix duties before it reaches him — and 
fubjecl: alfo to the expence of the voyage and of 
the carriage, as well as of the internal duties in 
Ireland ; fo that upon a fair and juft calculation 
it is demonflrable, that they can manufacture 
worried yarn in Ireland 45 or 50 percent, cheaper 
than in England — But fay the witnefies from. 
Ireland, it is by no means likely that Ireland will 
ever eftablifh a cotton manufactury to rival that 
of Manchester. It would not be her intereft to 
do fo, and there are many flubborn inconvenien- 
cies which fhe has to furmount. I will admit 
the fuppofition for the fake of argument, though 
I by no means think it founded in probability, 
But admitting even that fhe fliall not think of 
eftablifhing a cotton manufactory, me may frill 
by thefe new Refolutions effectually cut off the 
Irifh market from ours ; for having a manufac- 
ture of her own to fubftitute in the room of this, 
fhe may lay a duty on cottons, which by the 
principle of countervailing duties might amount 



I 56 1 

to a prohibition of ours, and by a fide-blow 
therefore annihilate the Manohefter manufacture 
in the Irifh market at once. 

And this leads me to an Argument which has 
been much infilled on in favour of thefe Rcfo- 
iutions — That by the means of the new fyftem, 
the right honourable Gentleman would have the 
merit of putting an end to all idea of protecting 
duties. On what rational ground does he claim 
to himfelf this metfit ? By the power -which is 
thus left to each country, to lay internal duties 
on fuch manufactures as they may covet to crufli 
for the fake of advancing a fubftitute, he gives 
rife to a countervailing duty that will aft as a com- 
plete though indirect prohibition -, and that this is 
in favour of Ireland and inimical to England, is 
evident from this .circumftance, that by the fatal 
ninth Refolution we have forever given up the 
only remaining hold which could have operated as 
a protection againft fo obvious and alarming an in- 
convenience. Protecting duties, however threa- 
tened, would never have been impofed under the 
©Jd intercourfe - 9 for the good fenfe of Ireland 

would 



( 57 ) 

•would not have fuffered the danger of retaliation 
,on their flaple commodity— That danger they 
will now no longer be expofed to. But, fays the 
right honourable Gentleman, we ihall by this 
means bind the two nations together in indiiTo- 
luble bands ; — That between nation and nation, 
the intercourfe fhould be regulated by principles 
of equality and juftice — and that this ought to be 
.more particularly fludied between nations that are 
iiit?rs as it were, and are fo connected in Intereft 
and in blood as Great Britain and Ireland. — To fuch 
Principles as thefe, if acted upon with wifdom or 
the chance of mutual harmony, far would it be 
from me, to object, — My obj edition is— that the 
Intercourfe is not to be regulated by principles of 
equality and juftice. Let us fuppofe fair and 
equal adm'iffion of manufactures into each country 
free of all duties: — Which of the kingdoms would 
fhudder moft at fuch a freedom ? The Irifh 
undoubtedly — We are to give them an intercourfe 
infinitely more beneficial than throwing open our 
ports entirely, and in doing this, we have given 

to Ircjand the power of offending us without re- 

l fcrving 



C 55 ] 

ferving the means even of retaliation, much left 
e>f prevention. 

By the feventh Refolution, we bind ourfelvet 
in no future time to prohibit the export of raw 
materials to Ireland. This is a meafure which 
maybe found highly prejudicial to our manufac- 
tures. — In the courfe of this ftflion, we have paffcd 
an Ac"l to prevent the export of rabbit (kins, for 
the benefit of our hat manufactory. May not 
other occafions arife, in which it would highly 
affect us to fufFer raw materials to go out of our 
ihands into thofe of foreign ftates, under the name 
of Ireland ; for fuch is the danger that I appre- 
hend. A cargo of raw materials may be entered 
at our cuftom houfe for Ireland j but what fecu- 
rity mall we have, either for their being carried 
thither, or for their flay in the country if they; 
reach it ? Never let us be fo weak as to trufl ta 
generofity, when intereft is at flake. 

• 
The ninth Refolution, Sir, is that which I re* 

probate the moft, and in that no alteration is made* 



e 59 y 

l$y that Refolution we for ever furrender the only 
power which we had of enforcing the due 
performance of all the parts of the bargain, 
obligatory on Ireland. By giving up all legiflative 
controul over the adrriiiTion of her ftaple into 
Britain, we for ever throw ourfelves on the 
mercy of Ireland, and have no means of protecting 
ourfelves againft her future caprices. It is by 
fuch means that the right honourable Gentleman 
hopes to produce a lading amity between the two 
kingdoms: He provides ill for peace, who depri- 
ves himfelf of the weapens of war. True policy 
fuggefts, that with a difpofition to be amicable 
ourfelves, we mould be prepared againft the ef- 
fects of a contrary difpofition in others. 

In regard to the compenfation, I hardly know in 
what view of it to exprefs my particular reproba- 
tion. — The exaction of a permanent provifion from 
Ireland, is what I confider as a meafure, pregnant 
with the moft alarming confequences to the li- 
berties and to the conftitution of both countries* 
As an Irifhman, I would never confent to grant it ; 

I 2 and 

4 fl 



t 6g ] 

and as an Englishman, I cannot accept it.— 
What Ireland cannot concede with fafety, England 
cannot receive v/ith grace. It has always 
been the leading and chara&eteftic privilege of 
our legislature, and when I fpeak of ours in this 
inftance, I may include the legislature of Ireland 
alfo — to limit all grants of fupplies to the period 
of one year. Thus the fupplies for the arrny are 
voted annually — for the navy annually, &c — for 
the ordnance annually, and fo alfo in every de- 
fcription of public expenditure, that may any way 
tend to produce an undue controul over the fubjecl: 
— To make them perpetual, even though the ap- 
plication of them is to be left to the difpofal of 
Parliament, is a meafure to which I cannot give 
my conf nr. — It eftabllfhes a precedent for dimi- 
nifhing the fole fecurity, which the domeftic branch 
of the ccnilitution pofleiTes again ft the encroach- 
ments of the executive. — Annual fupplies are the 
vital fource of the influence and authority Which? 
the reprefentative body have, and ought to have 
in the rtfpective legislature of the two countries* 
and I can accede to no regulation that has the 

operation 



L 6i } 

operation of impairing fo invaluable a privilege iri 
the fmalleft degree. — I object to this compenfation 
on another account ; and that is, that I do not think 
it worth our acceptance: for even if the furpluS 
of the hereditary revenue fhould amount to a fum> 
which might be valuable when applied to the 
maintenance of our navy, what fecurity have we 
that the Irifh nation may not withdraw the fum 
which they now appropriate to the army? They 
now maintain a very confiderable part of our 
army — I wifh to know if it will not be in their 
power to withold that fum whenever they fhalt 
deem it expedient, after the eftablifhment of this 
new fyftem. Therefore, what we gain in the one 
way, we may lofe m the other.— We may lofe 
from our army what we are to gain in our navy, 
with this material difference ftill exifting between 
the two cafes, that the fupply which is now granted 
on the part of Ireland, for the fupport of our 
army, is granted in a manner truly and perfectly 
congenial with the practice and fpirit of our own* 
conditution, whereas, the propofed expedient of 
the fervice of our navy, originates in a violation' 

of 



t h j 

©f both, and cannot operate but to the obvious? 
difadvantage of the popular department of 
the IriGi Government. The right honourable 
Gentkman, fays, the furplus of the hereditary 
Revenue, would be appropriated to the purchafe 
of provifions for the navy, and that thus ft would 
be beneficial to Ireland — To this I have no ob- 
jection; I think it would be reafonable and ad- 
vantageous. — But to the permanency of the grant* 
I mud enter my moft cordial and determined 
proteH. — The right honourable Gentleman, fays, 
that here he would nor. truft to the generofity of 
Ireland for a compenfation, which he confiders 
as founded in juftice. He will implicitly truft 
to her generofity and kindnefs, for the due and 
vigorous execution of the trade laws, but he will s- 
not truft to her generofity for the return which 
fhe mall make, for his prefent benevolence towards 
her.— In this I compleatly differ with the right 
honourable Gentleman — I would truft to Ireland 
in the cafe where he would not, and I would not 
where he would.— If there is any nation upori 
earth, in whom or. a point of honourable com- 
vaqmtt: penfution— 



C H ] 

penfation — I would have implicit confidence— it 
is Ireland. But in the due performance of com- 
mercial regulations, where the laws ftand for ever 
in the way of intereft and adventure — I would not 
truft to any people exifting. In the cafe of the 
compenfation, the voice of all Ireland would be 
heard in her Parliament— In the inftance of finifter 
trade, it would he confined to the intrigues between 
fmugglers and cuftom houfe officers-— and neither 
the generoficy nor the manlinefs of the more en- 
lightened and polilhed part of the nation at all 
would be concerned in the difcuffion, 

The right honourable Gentleman has infinuated, 
that there is an immediate neceflity for adopting 
the fyftem which he has propofed — That is as 
much as to fay in plain Englilh — he has held 
out the Refolutions to Ireland, and the necejjity for 
adopting them has arifen from his having done fa* 
This is a mode of argument which merits a grea£ 
mare of countenance, whatever truth there may 
be in the fact. Ireland is not however, I truft fo 
jrrational, as to infill upon the raft and intempe- 
rate 



C *4 ] 

*ate transfer of privileges, demonftrably ruinous to 
England, " But," fays the right honourable 
Gentleman, «* this fyftem will finally determine 
< c every queftion between the two nations — and 
u nothing can arife in future to make a conteft 
" between them." — I call upon the right honour^ 
able Gentleman to fay, what fecurity he can give 
ps, for the certain accomplifhment of his prefage,' 
Does he fpeak from experience ? Evidently not — 
Experience of the firft, which I conceive to be 
the lafl criterion, by which to determine the pro- 
bability of the future, is againft him. When the 
Noble Lord in the Blue Ribband, in the year 1780, 
opened to the Irim the trade of our Colonies, the 
parliament of that country declared themfelves 
fully gratified, and thanked his Majefty in terms 
of the utmoft gratitude, and apparent fatisfaclion. 1 
Jn a few months however their voice was heard 
again. In the Administration of which I made a 
part, their legiflature was declared to be indepen- 
dent, and in Addrefies from both Houfes of Par- 
liament, they profefTed themfelves fo entirely con* 
$snr, a£ not to confider it poflible that any fubfe^ 

fequent 



[ 65 ] 

quent queftion of political divifion could arife be- 
tween the two kingdoms. Yet in the very next 
feffion they gave indications of new difatisfaction, 
and further conceflions were made. How are men 
to argue from thefe facts ? One would imagine, 
that the mod effectual and fatisfactory method 
of quieting the apprehenfians, or relieving the 
exigencies of a diflrcflccj country, would be that 
of appealing to their own teftimony, for a knowv 
ledge of their circumftances — to collect infor- 
mation from themfelves — to defire them to 
fiate, in their own perfbns, the meafure of their 
calamities, and the beft expedients for the relief 
of them. This was precifely the way purfued 
heretofore. The conceflions were granted on the 
declarations of the beft informed men in the land— * 
men the bell qualified to know the ftate, the wants, 
and the expectations of the kingdom. Mr. Huf- 
fey Burgh, and Mr. Grattan, names, which no 
man could mention, but with the fincereft and 
mod cordial refpect, were the authorities on which 
England proceeded, and on which (he relied, But 
{his it feems ? however fpecious and natural, was 






C 66 ] 

not the proper method of afcertaining the wants 
or w. flies of another kingdom. — The true 
and c only means of finally concluding all dis- 
putes with Ireland, is to fend zftranger there — and 
order him to addrefs himfelf to their Senate — ■ 
in fuch language as this — " Hear me, ye men of 
Ignorance and Credulity ! — You know nothing of 
what you want, what you wifh, or what would 
be good for you — trull yourfelves to me — I am 
perfect matter of all your infirmities — Here is the 
fpecific that will cure you, the infallible noflrum 
for all ailments" — It feems that this is the only con- 
ciliatory expedient, for adminiftering to the relief 
of a difordered ftate — Not to fuffer the inha- 
bitants to fpeak, but to fend a man amongfl 
them ignorant at once of their exigencies, their 
grievances, and their policy, to propofe wildfehemes 
of extravagant fpeculation, and prefcribe for the ! 
diforder, without the painful tedioufnefs of trying 
to underftand it. In compliance with this new ! 
idea, Mr. Orde, an Englifh Gentleman, the Secre- 
tary to an Englifn Nobleman, the Lord Lieutenant ! 
for the time, rifes up and propofes a fett of Refolu- ! 



tions 



£ «7 1 

lions which he pledges himfelf to carry into com- 
plete execution. Thefe Refolutions are brought 
to England, and after two months difcuffion are 
tompledtly and fundamentally altered*— Upon thefe 
Refolutions the right honourable gentleman thinks 
himfelf warranted to fay that the fyftetn will be 
final. The right honourable gentleman faid, he 
mud have a fund of credulity who believed all the 
evidence which the manufacturers had given at 
the bar. In like manner I fay, that he' mud have 
a fund of credulity indeed, who can believe on fuch 
premifes that the Irifh will be content with this 
fyftem, or that the general interefts of both coun- 
tries can be promoted by its cftablifhment. 

It is pofllble, fays the right honourable Gentle- 
man, " That one country may not lofe what an- 
" other may gain." I am very ready to agree 
with the right honourable Gentleman, that in fi- 
milar manufactures, or even in the fame manu- 
facture, one country might open channels of 
commerce unknown to an other, the one ac* 
quire riches without the other fuffering diminu- 
tion. But it fo happens, that between England 
K 2 and 



[ 63 ] 

and Ireland, under thefe refolutions this cannot be 
the cafe* Their channels of confumption are pre- 
cifely the fame, and a mutual participation in all 
markets is the leading principle of the agreement. 
Ireland therefore cannot make a fingle acquifi- 
tion but to the proportionate lofs of England. I 
defy he right honourable Gentleman to mention 
any one article, and he has not mentioned one, 
m which Ireland may gain without England fuf- 
ferin<* a lofs. This, Sir, conftitutes the diltincl 
and prominent evidence of the impolicy of the 
fyflem. It is this which will ftir up jealoufy be- 
tween the two countries, and make Englifhmer 
and Irifhmen look at one another with cold heart! 
and fufpicious eyes. If any one thing demandij 
more than another the cautious deliberation of the 
committee, it is that of guarding againft infuiiou: 
comptetition,— to take care that the new fyflerr 
fhall not make the countries rivals initead o: 
friends. 

Another objection requires a more fatisfa&or) 
anfwer than it has yet obtained. We have gon< 
great lengths for the fuppreffion of fmuggling 

an< 



C 69 3 

and. have loaded our conilituents with a Commu- 
tation Tax of a moft heavy and unequal kind, 
merely to crufh the contraband trade on our coafts. 
Upon the very heel of a moft oppreflive and un- 
equitable expedient, for the prevention of fmug- 
gling, we are preparing to adopt a new fyftem, 
that will give to every fpecies of this jndireel and 
contrraband commerce ten times the vigour and 
the generality that if ever poiTefled in the country,: 
— This is the right honourable Gentleman's con- 
fiftency.— In one year he loads the fubject with 
the molt intolerable impofition to which they 
ever were expofed, and the fingle motive, 
as well as the only pofiible excufe for it is this— — 
the prevention of fmuggling. — The next — He in- 
troduces a new meafure, the obvious and undeni- 
able tendency of which is, to encourage all illicit 
trade, to an extent hitherto unknown in any period 
of our hiflory — for by means of this new inter - 
courfe — no laws — no watchfulnefs — no penalties 
"will have power enough to prevent the revival 
of every fort of contraband trade. I fhall mention 
only a fingle article or two, to fhew you the 
facility which thefe new refolutions will give to 

the 



[ 7o ] 

the cxercife of fmuggling. At prefcnt, fo anxious 
are we to guard againft the illicit importation of 
French gloves, that we have had recourfe to'a 
prevention of unexampled rigour and feverity* 
Befides the penalty, which is uncommonly high, 
the perfon in whofe cuflody fufpected gloves 
are found, is obliged to prove that they were 
made in this country. The onus probandi lies 
upon the perfon accufed, an in fiance of fe verity 
unknown to the general penal provifions of 
our ftatutes. When this communication with 
Ireland is opened, what will be the confe* 
qnence. The perfon has only to fay that they are 
Irifh. — It will be in vain that you call upon him 
to prove that they are manufactured there, — and 
thus you will have articles of every kind poured 
in upon you. — Silk (lockings is another article of 
the fame kind. Diflinctions will be impracticable, 
and every fpecies of light goods of fmall package 
and eafy transfer* will flow in upon us, to the ruin 
©f our manufactures. 

t fiiall conclude, Sir, with fupplicating the 
Committee to take time to deliberate and to en- 
quire 



L p ] 

quire fully before they decide in this fyftem 
which rnali make an entire revolution. In the 
whole fyftem of Britifh Commercei|^b have feer* 
jhe benefits of delay. Let us be wife from ex- 
perience. It is impoffible that Ireland can objecT: 
to nur d firing a ibber deliberation on a fubjedt 
fo infinitely important. It is faid that Ireland is 
put of temper — and that (he has been irritated 
almoft beyond her bearing. Minifters are anfwer- 
able for this irritation, if fuch irritation exifts. 
The violences which they have committed in Ire- 
land deferve the moil marked and general repro-» 
bation. Their attacks on the liberty of the prefs— ^ 
their endeavours to prevent the legal and quiet 
meetings of counties to deliberate on the beft 
peaceable means of amending their deficient re- 
prefentation. — Their proceeding againft men by 
fummary attachment — all were violences which 
perhaps may have inflamed Ireland, and now* 
Minifters are defirous of avoiding the confequen- 
ces of imprudent infult by imprudent concefflon-^ 
but let us be cautious how we afiift them in a 
defign which may eventually turn out as infidious 
to that country as it would be ruinous to this — a 

defign 



C v- ] 

defign which may perhaps involve in it another 

commutation, and that a more pernicious one, 

*tfc! - e floifliqd 
even that well known and univerfally execrated 

ilom 
meafure which now bears that name — a commu* 

;~~ noirt 
tation of Englifh Commerce for Irifh (hvery. 



;iW USUG 



Let us remember, that all the manufacturing 
Communities of Britain, are avowedly againft the 
fyftem. — So general an union never took place 
as on this occafion — So large a number of petw 
tions never were prefented from the Manufacturers 
on any former occafion •, and what is ft ill more 
remarkable, there is but one folitary inftance of 
any manufacturing body having exprefTed a 
fy 11 able in its favour. — The voice of the whole 
country is, therefore againft the Refolutlons. It 
is within the memory of all men, that fometime 
ago the right honourable Gentleman was an ad«» 
vocate for the yoke of the people-—" What" faid 
be, when a number of petitions were prefentec} 
againft .the India Bill, which I had the honour to 
move, " will you perfift in this Bill againft the 
y voice of the people — will you not hearken to the 
ft Petitions upon your table ?" — It was ever my 

opinion, 



L 73 ] 

fcpinion, Sir, that petitions fhould be heard* and 
moll ferioufly attended to, but it was not my opi- 
nion — that they mould always be implicitly com- 
plied with. A diftinction fhould be made be- 
tween petitions, as temporary circumftances, or 
the cafualties under which they are prefented, 
mould fuggeft. And I mould certainly be at all 
times more inclined to pay refpedt. to them, when 
they applied to fubjects, of which the petitioners 
could, from their habits or other wife, be confidered 
as competent judges— much more lb beyond all 
queftionj than when they fpoke merely from vague 
reprefentations, and on topics with which they had 
no means of being at all eonverfant. The right 
honourable Gentleman is of a contrary opinion. Ic 
is only when they cbme againfi the India Bill that 
he thinks them worthy of notice. When hun- 
dreds of thoufands come to cur bar, deprecating 
the countenance of a fyftem, which, from their 
own knowledge, they pronounce to be ruinous to 
the manufactures of England, he treats them 
with fomething that merits a feverer term than 
iifdain. Mr. Wedgewood, Mr* Richardfon^ 

L Mr. 



[ 74 ] 

Mr. Walker, and the other great manufacturers, 
—and who from opulence and every other con» 
fideration, are worthy to be ranked with the beft 
men in this houfe, have received from the right 
honourable gentleman every fpecies of ill treat- 
ment and indignity that the lower or moil: de- 
graded characters could receive, or the mod con- 
temptuous and violent could bellow. Their intel- 
ligence on their refpective manufactures ought 
to give weight to their petitions as well as to 
their evidence, and to enfure them, not only a de- 
cent hearing, but a molt attentive regard. The 
right honourable gentleman however confiders 
the voice of the people^ only as J acred and command- 
ing) where it is exerted againft things upon which 
the petitioners are not competent to decide. For 
inftance ; if when thefe gentlemen (who I dare 
fay, during the rage of oppofition to the India Bill, 
alfo figned petitions againft it) were at the bar, they 
had been afked if they objected to that Bill, and 
they had anfwered in the affirmative, would their 
teftimony in the one cafe have been deferving of 
the fame notice as on the interefts of their parti- 
cular 



I 75 ] 

cular manufacture ? — Surely not — In- the one cafe 
they fpoke from what they heard, or from what 
they conjectured — in the other from what they 
knew. — Can the Committee think that they know 
more of the Manchefler manufacture than Mr. Ri- 
chardfon and Mr. Walker ? — of the iron mauufac- 
ture than the gentlemen that we have heard this day? 
•—and of every other manufacture than the per- 
fons who have fpent their lives in the fludy, 
and embarked their fortunes in the progrefs? 
* — If we do know better, let us in the name of 
heaven difcharge our confciences and fpeak as we 
think, againft thofe manufacturers,— but at any 
rate let us deliberate — let us take time to think 
before we act, Our decifion will not be lefs effi- 
cacious for being the refult of enquiry, nor is it 
polTible that any evil can arife from a delay which 
affords fome interval for decent difcuffion, 

Before I fit down, Mr. Gilbert, it may not be 

amifs to fuggefl to gentlemen, that the prefent is 

a fubject from which above all others, private 

partialities or perfonal attachments ought to be 

h % totally 



L 7« 3 

totally excluded— This is not a queftion of per* 
ibnal flruggle between man and man — a conteft 
for power, nor the mere war qf individual am- 
bition. — It is a queftion of life and death for the 
country — not for the official exiflence of this or 
that Minifter, but for the political exiftence of 
Great Britain itfelf — In the confederation of fuch 
a queftion, therefore, let Gentlemen ftrip them- 
felves at once of prejudices and predilections — 
let them guard their minds equally againft an 
undue bias of every denomination, whether of 
political fympathy with the Minifter, or of at- 
tachment to opposition — whether of individual 
refpect for Gentlemen on that fide of the Houfe 
or on this — let them recollect that the Minifter 
has by his conduct this day, fhewn and demon- 
ftrated to the Houfe, that implicit confidence 
in him is as dangerous as it is abfurd — That in- 
fallibility is no more the prerogative of the right 
honourable Gentleman than of the reft of the 
world — He has introduced fixteen new Propofi- 
tions, the general object of which is to correct 
and to qualify his original fyftern, and the par 

ticulaj* 



L 77 3 

ticular aim of fome of which is to change the 
very efTence or vital nature of his previous plan—* 
Let us fuppofe then, that this principle of im- 
plicit confidence had prevailed in the minds of 
Gentlemen, when this fyftem was originally pro- 
pofed to the Houfe: — if they had acceded to the 
Fropofitions, in thefhape and formation in which, 
they were at firft prefented (and that it was for 
a long time the Minifter's intention to obtrude 
them upon this Houfe with all their original in- 
firmities upon their head, is well known to us 
and to the world) what would have followed ?— 
Why evidently this — That this confidence fo 
repofed, would have led Gentlemen to do that, 
which in the opinion of the Minifter himfelf 
would have been wrong— let this example there* 
fore of the demonftrated and acknowleged peril 
which refults from blind predilection and the 
total refignation of perfonal judgement, warn 
Gentlemen how they fall in the fame error a 
/econd time—The Minifter himfelf tells them/ 
this day, that they would have been in the grof* 
Jeft and mofl pernicious error in which the Le- 

giflators 



r 73 3 

giflators of a great country were ever involved, 
if they had trufted entirely to him on a former 
pccaiion — I will take upon me to tell them that 
their error will not be lefs grofs nor lefs perni- 
cious if they trull: him too implicitly on this — 
I mall only add, Sir, that he who can under- 
Hand fo complicated and fo extenfive a fubjecl: 
upon fo flight and tranfient a view of it, poflefTes 
an intellect not common to the general body 
of mankind, and which certainly can not be the 
general characterise of this Houfe — For one, 
I can truly fay, he muft pofTefs an underftanding 
of infinitely more quicknefs and acumen than 
any to which I pretend — He that votes for the 
Proportions without underftanding them, is guilty 
of fuch a defertion of his duty and his patriotifm 
as no fubfequent penitence can poffibly atone 
for — He facrifices the commerce of Great 
Britain at the fhrine of private partiality, and fells 
his country for the whittling of a name. The 
Jvliniiler who exacts, and the Member who fub- 
m'its to fo difgraceful an obedience, are equally 
criminal — The man who, holding the firft feat 

in 






[ 79 3 

in his Majefty's Councel, can (loop to fo dif- 
graceful and fallacious a canvas, as to reft his 
Minifterial exiftence on the decifion of a great 
national queflion like this, muft be wholly loft 
to all fenfe of dignity, of character, or manly 
patriotifm — and he who acquiefces in it from 
any other inducement but that of cautious and 
lincere conviction, furrenders every claim to 
the rank and eftimation of an honefl and inde- 
pendent Member of Parliament, and links into 
the meanefs and degradation of a mere minifterial 
inftrument, unworthy the fituation of a Senator, 
and difgraceful to the name of an Englifhman.- — 



The 



C 81 3 

Authentic Copy of the 
IRISH RESOLUTIONS, 
as originally laid on the Table of the 
Houfe of Commons. 



i ft- RESOLVED, That it is highly important 
to the general intereft of the Britifh Empire* that 
the trade between Great Britain and Ireland be 
encouraged and extended as much as poflible ; 
and for that purpofe, that the intercourfe and 
commerce be finally fettled and regulated on * 
permanent and equitable principles for the mutual 
benefit of both countries. 

2d, Refolved, That towards carrying into full 
effect fo defirable a fettlement, it is fit and pro- 
per, that all articles, not the growth or manufac- 
ture of Great Britain or Ireland, fhould be im- 
ported into each kingdom from the other, reci- 

M procally. 



C * 1 

procally, under the fame regulation, and at tn& 
fame duties, if fubject to duties,, to which they 
are liable wheri imported directly from the place 
of their growth, product, or manufacture;, and 
that all duties originally paid on importation 
into either country refpectively, ftiall be fully 
drawn back on. exportation to the other. 

3d. Refolvedy That for the fame purpofe, it 
is proper that no prohibition mould exift in either 
Country, againft the importation, ufe, or fale of 
any article, the growth, product, or manufacture 
of the other; and that the duty on the importa- 
tion of every fuch article, if firbject to duty, in 
either country, mould be precifeiy the fame in the 
one country as in the ohter, except where an ad- 
dition may be necefTary in either country, in con- 
fequence of an internal duty on any fuch article 
of its own confumption* 

4th. Refolved, That in aH cafes where the 
duties on articles of the growth, product, oar 
manufacture of either country, are different on 
she importation into the other,, it would be ex- 
pedient 



L p ] 

pedient that they mould be reduced in the king- 
dom where they are the higher!;, to the amount 
payable in the other, and that all fuch articles 
ihould be exportable from the kingdom into 
which they fhall be imported, as free fiom duty 
as the fimilar commodities or home manufa&uie 
©f the fame 'kingdom* 

5th. Refolved, That for the fame purpofe it 
is alfo proper that in all cafes where either king- 
dom fhall charge articles of its own confumption 
with an internal duty on the manufacture, or a 
duty on the material, the fame manufacture, 
when imported from the other, may be charged 
with a farther duty on Importation to the fame 
amount as the internal duty on the manufacture, 
or to a* amount adequate to countervail the duty 
on the material, and fhall be entitled to fuch 
drawbacks or bounties on exportation, as may- 
leave the fame fubject to no heavier burthen than 
the home-made manufacture ; fuch farther duty 
to continue fo long only as the internal con- 
fumption fhall be charged with the duty or duties, 
to balance which it fhall be impofed, or until 
Ma the 



[ n i 

the manufacture, coming from the other king- 
dom, fhall be fubjected there to an equal bur* 
then, not drawn back or compenfated on expor- 
tation. 

6th. Refolved, That in order to give perma* 
nency to the fettlement now intended to be 
eftabliftied, it is neceffary, that no prohibition, 
or new or additional duties, mould be hereafter 
jmpofed in either kingdom, pn the importation 
of any article pf the growth, product, or manur 
facture of the other, except fuch additional du- 
ties as may be requifite to balance duties on in- 
ternal confumptipn, purfuarit to the foregoing 
refolution. 

7th. Refolved, That for the fame purpofe k 
is neceffary farther, that no prohibition, or new 
or additional duties, fhpuld be hereafter impofed 
in either kingdom, on the exportation of any 
article of native growth, product, or manu- 
facture from thence to the other, except fucli as 
either kingdom may deem expedient, from time 
to time, upon corn, meal, malt, flour, and bif- 

cuip ; 



( 83 ) 

cuks; and alfo except where tbere r flpjy r SXip. 
^ny prohibition which is not reciprocal, or any 
duty which is not equal in both kingdoms, in 
every which cafe the prohibition may be made; 
reciprocal, or the duties railed lb as to make 
them equal. 

8th. Refolved, That for the, fame purpofe it 
is ncceffary, that no bounties whatfoever fhould 
t>e paid, or payable, in either kingdom, on th$ 
exportation of any article to the other, except 
fuch as relate to corn, meal, malt, flour, and 
bifcuits, and fuch as are in the nature of draw- 
backs or compenfations for duties paid, and that 
no duty fhould be granted in this kingdom ori 
the exportation of any article imported from the 
Britifh Plantations, or any manufacture made of 
fuch article, unlefs in cafes where afimilar bounty- 
is payable in Britain^ on exportation from, 
thence, or where fuch bounty is merely in the 
nature of a drawback or compenfation of, or for 
duties paid over and above ^ny duties paid there* 
${i in Britain, 

9th: 



[ 86 J 

9th. Refolved, That it is expedient fop the 
general benefit of the Britifh empire, that the 
importation of articles from foreign States mould 
be regulated from time to time, in each kingdom, 
on fuch terms as may afford an effectual prefe- 
rence to the importation of fimilar articles of the 
growth, product, or manufacture of the other. 

10th, Refolved, That it is effential to the 
commercial interefls of this country to prevent, 
as much as poffible, an accumulation of national 
debt, and therefore it is highly expedient tl at 
the annual revenues of this kingdom mould be 
made equal to its annual expences, 

nth. Refolved, That for the better protection 
of trade, whatever fum the grofs hereditary reve- 
nue of this kingdom (after deducting all draw- 
backs, repayments, or bounties, granted in the 
nature of drawbacks,) fhall produce, over and 
above the ium of 656,0001. in each year of 
peace, wherein the annual revenues fhall be 
equal to the annual expences, and in each year 

of 






( s 7 ) 

of war, without regard to fuch equality, ihould 
be appropriated towards the fupport of the naval 
force of the empire, in fuch manner as the Pat* 
liament of this kingdom fhall direct. 



$4 



[ 8$ ] f * 

Authentic Copy of the 

RESOLUTIONS, 

as amended by the Right Honour- 
able Chancellor of the Exchequer* 

Die Jovis 12 Maii> 1785. 
[The Amendments and new Refolutions are in Italicks; j 

Resolved, 

1. 1 HAT it is highly important to the gene- 
neral interefts of the Britifh Empire, that the 
intercourfe and commerce between Great Bri- 
tain and Ireland, ftiould be finally regulated on 
permanent and equitable principles for the mutual 
benefit of both countries. 

2. That a full participation of commercial ad- 
vantages fhould be permanently fecured to Ireland, 

whenever 



C 8 9 ) 

Whenever a provision equally permanent and fecurc 
fiiall be made by the Parliament of that kingdom, 
towards defraying in proportion to its growing 
profperity, the necelTary expences in time of peace ; 
of protecting the trade, and general interefts of tnt 
empire. 

3. That towards carrying into Ml efTecl: fo de- 
finable a fettlemenr, it is fit and proper that all 
articles, not the growth or manufacture of Great 
Britain or Ireland*, except thefe of the growth, pro- 
duce, or manufatlure of any of the countries beyond the 
Cape of Good Hope, to the Sireights of Magellan, 
mould be imported into each kingdom from the 
other reciprocally, under the fame regulations, 
and at the fame duties;, (if fubject to duties,) to 
which they Would be liable when imported from 
the country or place, from whence the fame may have 

* The words in Italics in the body and at the end of 
the third Refolution, were amendments adopted in the 
Committee on the motion of the right honourable Mr. 

1 Eden, 

N fan 



f 9° ) 

heen imported into Great Britain or Ireland refpeclivetyy 
as the cafe may be ; and that all duties originally 
paid an importation into either country reflectively* 
" except on arrack and foreign brandy, and on 
<c rum* and all forts of ftrorrg waters^ not im- 
** ported from the Britifh Colonies in the Weft 
•* Indie?/' lhall be fully drawn back on expor- 
tation to the other m r but neverthelefs the duties Jhall 
continue to be protetled and guarded as at prefent y by 
withholding the drawback until a certificate from the 
proper Officers of the Revenue in the kingdom to which 
the export may be made* Jhall be returned and compared: 
with the entry outward. 

4. That it is highly important to- the general 
ifiterefts of the Britifh Empire, that the laws for 
regulating trade and navigation, mould be the* 
fame in Great Britain and Ireland ; and therefore,, 
that it is effcntial towards carrying into effect the 
pretent fettkment, that all laws which have been 
made, or mall be made in Great Britain, for fc- 
curing exclufive privileges to the mips and 
mariners of Great Britain and Ireland, and the 

Britifh 



t 9* ] 
'Uritifh Colonies and Plantations, and for regula- 
lating and reftraining the trade of the BritiuH 
Colonies and Plantations, fuch laws impofing the 
fame reftraints, and conferring the fame benefits , on the 
fubjeBs of both kingdoms, jhoaU be in force in Ire- 
land, by laws to be pajfed by the Parliament of that 
kingdom r , for the fame time,ani in the fame manner 
as in Great Britain. 

5. That it is further eflential to this fettlement, 
that all goods and commodities of the growth, 
produce, or manufa&ureof Britiih or foreign Co- 
lonies, in America or the Weft-Indies, and the Bri- 
tifh or foreign fettlements on the Coaft of Africa, 
imported into Ireland, mould, on importation, be 
fubjecl to the fame duties and regulations as the like 
goods are, or from time to time fhall be, fubjecl: to 
upon importation into Great Britain ; or if prohi- 
ted to be imported into Great Britain, fhall be pro? 
hibited in like manner from being imported intQ 
Jrelana 1 . 

6. That in order to prevent illicit practices, 
injurious tp the reyenue 2nd commerce of both 

N 2 kingdoms, 



[ 9? ] 

kingdoms, il is expedient, that all goods, whe- 
ther of the growth, produce, or manufacture of 
Great Britain or Ireland, or of any foreign coun- 
try, vyhich (hall hereafter be imported into Great 
Britain from Ireland, or into Ireland from Great 
Britain, mould be pur, by laws to be palfed in 
the Parliaments of the two kingdoms, under the 
fame regulations with reflect to bonds, ccckets, 
and other inftruments, to which the like goods 
are now fubject, in patting from one port of 
Great Britain to another. 

7. That for the like purpofe it is alfo expedi- 
ent, that when any goods, the growth, produce, 
or manufacture of the Britifh Well-India Iflands, 
cr any ether cf the Britijh Colonies cr Plantations, 
fhall be (hipped from Ireland for Great Britain, 
they fhould be accompanied with fuch original 
certificates of the revenue officers of the 
faid Colonies, as fhall be required by law, on im- 
portation into Great Britain ; and that when the 
whole quantity included in one certificate, fhall nqt 
£e fhipped at any onetime, the original certificate^ 

properly 



C 93 3 

properly indprfed as to quantity, (houid be fent with 
jihe firft parcel ♦, and to identify the remainder, 
\f fhipped within a time to be limited, new certificates 
fhould be granted by the principal officers of the 
ports in Ireland, extracted from a regifter of the 
original documents/ fpecifying the quantities be- 
fore ihipped from thence, by what vefTels, and to 
what ports. 

8. That it is eflential for carrying into efFecl; th,e 
prefent fettlement, that all goods exported from, 
Ireland to the Britifh Colonies in the Welt Indies, or 
in America, or to the Britifh fettkfnents en the Coafi 
cf Africa, fhould from time to time be made liable 
to fuch duties and drawbacks, and put under fuch 
regulations as may be neceftary, in order that the 
fame may not be exported with lefs incumbrance 
of duties or impofitions, than the like goods fhall 
be burtjieped with when exported from Great 
]Britaim 

9. That it is efjential to the gef\erql commercial in* 
ierejls of the empire, that, fo long d$ the P&rliameni 



£ 94 3 

ef this kingdom {hall think it advifeable that the com-? 
merce to the countries freyond the Cape of Good Hope 
to the S freights of Magellan, Jhall be, carried onfolely 
by an exclufive company, having liberty to import into 
the port of London only, no goods of the growth, pro- 
duce, or mauufaclure of the /aid countries Jhould be 
ellowed to be imported into Ireland but through Great 
Britain-, and that it Jh all be lawful to export fuch 
goods of the growth, produce, or manufaclure of any 
of the countries beyond the Cape of Good Hope to the 
Str eights of Magellan, from Great Britain to Ireland, 
with the fame duties retained thereon as are now re- 
tained on their being exported to that kingdom, but that 
an account fh all be kept of the duties retained and not 
drawn back on the faid goods exported to Ireland, and 
that the amount thereof Jhall be remitted, by the Re- 
ceiver General of his Majeftfs Cufioms in Great 
Britain, to the proper officers of the Revenue in Ireland, 
to be placed to the account of bis Majejlfs Revenue 
there, fubjecl to the difpofal of the Parliament of that 
kingdom ; and that thefhips going from Great Britain 
to any of the faid countries beyond the Cape of Good 

Hops 



[ 95 ] 

Hope to the Str eights of Magellan, Jhould not be r£- 

ftrained from touching at any of the ports in Ireland^ 

And taking on board there any of the goods of the 

growth, produce) or manufaclure of that kingdom ; 

and that no Jhips be allowed to clear out from Ireland 

for any of the f aid countries, but fuch (hips as ft all be 

freighted by the J aid company, and which Jh all have 

failed from the port of London : And that, whenever 1 

the commerce to the faid countries fhall ceafe to be [9 

carried on folely by fuch an exclufive company, the 

goods, the growth, produce, or manufaclure of the 

faid countries beyond the Cape of Good Hope to the 

Str eights of Magellan, fljculd be imported into Ireland 

from the fame countries from which they may be mk 

portable into Great Britain, and no other*' 

lo; That no prohibition mould exifl in either 
country againft the importation, ufe, or fale of any 
article, the growth, produce, or manufacture of the 
other (" except fuch as either kingdom may judge 
& expedient, from time to time, upon corn, meal, 
'* mall, flour, and bifcuit,") and except fuch qua*' 

Me$ 



E 9 6 1 

fifed prohibitions, at prefent contained in any a£l of 

the Britijh or Irijh Parliaments, as do not abjolutety 

prevent the importation of Goods or manufactures, or 

materials of manufactures, but only regulate the 

•weight, the fize, the packages, or .other particular 

€ircumjl antes, or prefcribe the built or country, and 

dimenfions of the Jhips importing the fame ; and alfo 

except on ammunition, arms, gunpowder, and other 

utenfils of war, importable only by virtue of his 

majeftys licence ; and that the duty on the impor* 

tation of every fuch article, if fubjed to duty 

in either country, fhould be precifely the fame 

in the one country as in the other, except where 

an addition may be neceffary, in either country, 

in confequence of an internal duty on any fuch 

article, of its own confumption, or an internal 

bounty in the country where fuch article is grown, 

produced, or manufactured ; and except fuch du» 

ties as either kingdom may judge expedient, from 

time to time, upon corn, meal, malt, flour, and 

ii/cuits; 

ii. That 



•C 97 3 

ii. That in all cafes where the duties on arti- 
cles of the growth, produce, or manufacture of 
either country, are different on the importation 
into the other, it is expedient that they mould be 
reduced in the kingdom where they are the higheft, 
to an amount not exceeding the amount payable in the 
other ; fo that the fame Jball not be lefs than ten and 
a half per centum, where any articles was charged 
with a duty on importation into Ireland of ten and a 
half per centum , where any article was charged with a 
duty on importation into Ireland of ten and a half per 
centum or upwards, on the i*]th day of May, 1 782 ; 
and that all fuch articles Ihould be exportable from 
the kingdom into which they mall be imported, as 
free from duties as the fimilar commodities or home 
manufacture of the fame kingdom. 

12. That it is alfo proper, that in all cafes where 
the articles of the confumption of either kingdom 
mail be charged with an internal duty on the ma- 
nufacture, the fame manufacture, when imported 
from the other, may be charged with a further duty 
on importation, adequate to countervail the inter- 
nal duty on the manufacture; except in the cafe of 
beer imported into Ireland, as far as relates to 

O the 



C 98 ] 

ihe duties now charged thereon ; fuch farther duty 
to continue fo long only as the internal confump- 
tion fhali be charged with the duty or duties, to" 
balance which it fhall be impofed, and that where 
there is a duty on the raw material of any manu- 
facture, in either kingdom lefs than the duty oh the 
like raw material in the other, or equal to fuch duty, 
fuch manufacture may,- on its importation, into the 
oiha kingdom, be charged with fuch a countervail- 
ing duty as may be fufficient to fubject the fame fo 
imported, to burthens adequate to thofe which the 
manufacture compofed of the like raw material 
is fubject to, in confequence of duties on fuch 
material in the kingdom into which fuch manufac- 
ture is fo imported ;. and" that the faid manufactures 
fo imported, (hall be intitled to fuch drawbacks or 
bounties on exportation, as may leave the fame 
fubject to no heavier burden than the home-made 
manufacture 

13. That in order to give permanency to 
the fettlement now intended to be eftablifhed, 
it is nceffary th2t no new, or additional duties 
fhould be hereafter impofed in either kingdom, 
on the importation of any article of the-growth, 

produce 



C 99 3 

produce, or manufacture of the other, except fuch 
additional duties as may be requifue to balance 
duties on internal confumption, purfuant to the 
foregoing refolurion, or in conference of bounties re- 
maining on fich article when exported from the other 
kingdom. 

1 4. That for the fame purpofe, it is neceffary, far.* 
ther, that no new prohibition, or new, or additional 
.duties, mould be hereafter impofed in either king- 
dom on the exportation of any article of native 
growth, produce, or manufacture, from the one 
kingdom to the other •, except fuch as either king- 
dom may deem expedient, from time to time p 
upon corn, meal, malt, flour, and bifcuits. 

15. That for the fame purpofe, it is necefTary 
that no bounties whatfoever fhouid be paid or par- 
able in either kingdom, on the exportation of any 
article to the other, except fuch as relate to corn, 
meal, malt, flour and bifcuits, and except alfo the 
bounties at prefent given by Great Britain on beer and 
fpirits diftilled from corn, and fuch as are in the 
nature of drawbacks, or compenfations for duties 
paid ; and that no bounties (hould be payable in Ire- 
k-ndt on the exportation of any article to any Britifh 

O 2 colonies 



[ 100 ] 

colonies or plantations, or to the Britifh fettlements on 
the Coajl of Africa, or on the exportation of any 
article imported from the Britifh plantations, or 
from the Britifh fettlements on the Coajl of Africa, or 
Britifh Settlements in the Eaft Indies, or any manu- 
facture made of fuch article, unlefs in cafes where 
a fimilar bounty is payable in Great Britain, on 
exportation from thence, or where fuch bounty is 
merely in the nature of a drawback, or compenfa- 
tion of, or for duties paid, over and above any 
duties paid thereon in Great Britain ; and that, 
where any internal bittnty Jhall be given in either king* 
dom on any goods manufatlured therein, and /ball 
remain on fuch goods when exported, a countervailing 
duty adequate thereto may be laid upon the importa- 
tion of the f aid goods into the other kingdom. 

1 6. That it is expedient for the general benefit 
of the Britifh empire, that the importation of ar- 
ticles from foreign countries, mould be regula- 
ted from time to time in each kingdom, on fuch 
terms as may effeclually favour the importation of 
fimilar articles cf the growth, produce, or manu- 
facture of the other ; except in the cafe cf materials 
of manufacture i which are or hereafter may be allowed 

to 



[ I°I ] 

to be imported from foreign countries duty-free ; and 
that, in all cafes where any articles are or may be fubjecl 
to higher duties on importation into this kingdom, from 
the countries belonging to any of the flat es of North 
America, than the like goods are or may be fubjecl 
to when imported as the growth, produce, or Manu- 
facture of the Britifh Colonies and Plantations, or as 
the produce of the fifheries carried on by Britifh fub- 
jecl s, fuch articles fhall be fubjecl to the fame duties 
on importation into Ireland, from the countries belong- 
ing to any of the fates of North America, as the fame 
' are or may be fubjecl to on importation from the faid 
countries into this kingdom* 

17. That it is expedient, that fuch privileges 
of printing and vending books ', as are or may be legally 
poffeffed within Great Britain, under the grant of the 
crown or otherwife, and the copy rights of the au- 
thors and bookfellers of Great Britain, (hould 
continue to be protected in the manner they 
are at prefenr, by the laws of Great Britain ; 
and that it is juft, that meafures mould be taken 
by the parliament of Ireland, for giving the like 
protection to the fimilar privileges and rights in 
that kingdom. 

18, "that 



{ 102 ] 

rS. That it is expedient that regulations Jhould 
he adopted, with refpecl to patents to he hereafter 
granted for the encouragement of new inventions, fo 
that the rights, privileges, and reftritlions, therein 
granted and contained, Jloall be of equal force and du- 
ration throughout Great Britain and Ireland* 

19. That it is expedient, that meafures Jhould he 
taken to prevent difputes touching the exercife of the 
right cf the inhabitants of each kingdom to fifh on the 
coajls of any part of the Britiflj dominions. 

20. That the appropriation of whatever fum 
the grofs hereditary revenue of the kingdom of Ire- 
land (the due coliecrion thereof being fecured by- 
permanent provifions (fball produce, after deduc- 
ting all drawbacks, re-payments, or bounties 
granted in the nature of drawbacks, over and above 
the fum of fix hundred and fifty-fix thoufand 
pounds in each year, towards the fupporr, of the 
naval force of the empire, to be applied in fuch 
manner as the parliament of Ireland fhall direct, 
by an act to be paffed for that purpofe, will be a 
fatisfactory provifion, proportioned to the growing 
profperity of that kingdom, towards defraying in 
time of peace, the neceffary expences of protecting 
the trade and general intereils of the empire. 



( io3 ; 



On the Report, Amendments were made, in the id, Sth\ 
and gth Refolutionsy .-which fo amended ', were as 
jolloweth : 

2. That it is confident with the effential interefts of the ma- 
nufactures, revenue, commerce, and navigation of Great Britain, 
that a full participation of commercial advantages mould be per- 
manently fecured to Ireland, whenever a provifion, equally per- 
manent and fecure, (hall be made by the parliament of that 
kingdom towards defraying, in proportion to its growing prof- 
peri ty, the neceffary expences in time of peace, of protecting the 
trade and general intereils of the empire, 

8. That it is effential for carrying into effect the prefent fet- 
tlement, that all goods exported from Ireland to the Britim Co- 
lonies in the Weil Indies, or m America,- or to the Britim Set- 
tlements on the coaft of Africa, or to the countries beyond the 
Cape of Good Hope to the Streights of Magellan, mould from 
time to time, be made liable to fuch duties and drawbacks, and 
put under fuch regulations, as may be neceiTary, in order that 
the fame may not be exported with lefs incumbrance of duties 
<0r impofitions than the like goods mall be burthened with, when 
exported from Great Britain. 

9. That it is effential to the general commercial interefts of the 
empire, that, fo long as the parliament of this kingdom fhall 
think it advifeable that the commerce to the countries beyond the 
Cape of Good Hope to the Streights of Magellan, mail be car- 
ried on folely by an exclusive company, having liberty to import 
into the Port of London only, no Goods of the growth, produce, 
or manufadture of the faid countries, fhould be allowed to be im- 
ported into Ireland but through Great Britain, except dye-Ruffs, 
drugs, cotton or other wool, and fpiceries, which may be imported 
into Ireland from foreign European countries, fo long as the fame 
are importable from foreign European countries into Great Britain, 
and that it ihall be lawful to export fuch goods, of the growth, 
produce, or manufacture of any of the countries I eyond the Cape 
of Good Hope to the Streights of Magellan,- from Gieat Bri- 
tain to Ireland, with the lame clucies retained thereon as are now 
retained on their being exported to that kingdom, but that an ac- 
count mail be kept of the duties retained and not drawn back on 
the faid Goods exported to, Ireland, and that the amount thereof 

malt 



[ 104 ] 

ihall be remitted, by the Receiver General of His Majefty's Cuf- 
toms in Great Britain, to the proper Officer of the revenue in 
Ireland, to be placed to the account of his /Majefty's revenue 
there, iubject to the difpofai of the parliament of that kingdom ; 
and that the fhips going from Great Britain to any of the faid 
countries beyond the Cape of Good Hope to the Streights of 
Magellan, mould be reftrained from touching at any of the ports 
in Ireland, and taking on board there any of the goods of the 
growth, produce, or manufacture of that kingdom ; and that no 
fhips be allowed to clear out from Ireland for any of the faid 
countries but fuch mips as mall be freighted by the laid Company 
and which (hall have failed from the port of London: and thar, 
whenever the commerce to the faid countries mail ceafe to be fo 
carried on folely by fuch an exclufive Company, the goods, the 
growth, produce, or manufacture of the faid countries beyond the 
Cape of Good Hope to the Streights of Magellan, mould be im- 
portable into Ireland from the fame countries from which they 
may be importable into Great Britain, and no other. 



After the above Refolutions were reported? and adopted 
by the Houfe, as the Syjlem for the Inter courfe, Mr. 
Fox moved the following Proportion : 

That, in purfuance of a fyftem which propofes full participa- 
tion of commercial advantages," on permanent and equitable prin- 
ciples, for the mutual benefit cf both countries, and for the gene- 
ral interefh of the Britim Empire, it is juft and expedient that 
all duties on the import of raw materials of manufactures mould 
be the fame in one country as in the other; and that, where there 
is now any difference, the duties fnould be raifed in the country 
where they are the loweft to the higheft ; and that, where there 
exift any prohibitions of any foreign manufactures in either 
country, the iame mould be mutually adopted and enforced in 
both kingdoms ; and that no manufactures mould be exported 
from the one kingdom with a lefs burthen of duties, or with any 
fuperior bounties, than what affect the export of fimilar manu- 
factures from the other kingdom ; 

It paired in the negative. 



FINIS. 



T H £ 

HEADS 

of 
Mn KOX's SPEECH: 

CONTAINING 

THE ARGUMENTS 

He oppofed to the 
FOURTH IRISH PROPOSITION, 

I N 

A Committee of the whole House of Commons, 
May 23, 1785. 

To which is added a Correct List of the Minority in the House 
of Commons, on Mr. Chancellor Pitt's Irish Propositions., 

L O N D O^N.: 

Printed for J. Debrett, oppofite Burlington-Hou/e^ 
Piccadilly, 



^DCCLXXXV* 



[ v ] 

THE negociation, carrying on 
by the prefent miniftry with 
Ireland, engages the attention, and 
affe&s the interefts of fo great a body 
of the people of both countries, that 
it is no wonder, Mr. Fox's opinions 
on that bufinefs fhould be fought after 
with avidity. 

His oppofition to the fourth pro- 
pofition was not given in the newf- 
papers fo fully as ufual, nor indeed 
could it be expe&ed that the limits 
of a newfpaper could admit them, and 
it is in fome meafure to fupply that 
defeft, that this fpeech is publiihed 
by itfelf. 






THE 



[ vii ] 



THE 

FOURTH 

IRISH PROPOSITION, 

As opened by Mr. PIT T, 
On the 1 2th of May*. 

Hf^HAT it is highly important to 
the general interefts of the Britifh 
empire, that the laws for regulating 
trade and navigation fhould be the fame 
in Great Britain and Ireland ; and there- 
fore that it is essential towards carry- 
ing into efFeft the prefent fettlement, 
that all laws which have been made 
or fhall be made in Great Britain, for 
fecuring exclufive privileges to the 

* This proportion was not opened to the Irifh Parli- 
ament, 

Ihips 



[ viii ] 

ftiips and mariners of Great Britain, 
Ireland, and the Britifh colonies and 
plantations, and for regulating and re- 
{training the trade of the Britifh colo- 
nies and plantations, {hall be in force 
in Ireland in the fame manner as in 
Great Britain, and that proper mea- 
fures fhould from time to time be ta- 
ken for effe&ually carrying the fame 
into execution. 



7%e Fourth Propositon with the 
Amendments in Italics, as it pajfed 
the Houfe of Commons. 

That it is highly important to the 
general interefts of the Britifh empire* 
that the kws for regulating ttade and 
navigation fhould be the fame in Great 

Bri- 



[ Sx ] 

Britain and Ireland; and therefore that 
it is eflential, towards carrying into ef- 
fect the prefent fettlement, that all. laws 
which have been made, or fhall be 
made in Great Britain, for fecuring 
exclufive privileges to the fhips and 
mariners of Great Britain, Ireland, 
and the Britiili colonies and planta- 
tions, and for regulating and reftrain- 
ing the trade of the Britiili colonies 
and plantations, fuch laws impofmg the 
fame rejiraints^ and conferring the fame 
benefits on the fubjeBs of both kingdoms, 
Jhould \ e in force in Ireland, by laws 
to be paffed by the Parliament of that 
kingdom for the fame time, and in the 
fame manner as in Great Britain, 






Mr, 



XiX* 



MR. FOX began by obferving, that 
when the Irifh propoiitions (as they 
had been termed) were firft laid before the 
Britifh Houle of Commons, the minifter de- 
clared that the confequence muft certainly be, 
that all the complaints of Ireland would be 
compleatly fettled, not only upon fair but 
upon advantageous terms to Great Britain. 
That although a participation of our com- 
merce would be granted to Ireland, yet, 
fuch was the deliberate wifdom with 
which the propofitions had been framed, 
that although very great advantages were 
promifed to Ireland, we, in fa£l, fhould be 
adding very conliderably to our own. 

Mr. FoX declared, that, as a friend to 
Ireland, no man had it more at heart than 
he had, to grant every advantage to that 
country, confident with the fafety and 
welfare of his own. That he was per- 

B feflly 



[ * ] 

feftly of opinion, the profperity of Ire- 
land was the profperity of Great Britain. 
And, on the other hand, he was alfo of 
opinion, that the profperity of Great Bri- 
tain undoubtedly muft be the profperity of 
Ireland, 

To promote the welfare of Ireland, and 
to fee that perfect cordiality, and mutual 
confidence firmly eftablifhed, which is 
fo eflential to the profperity and happinefs 
of both countries, no man could enter- 
tain a fincerer wifh, or fhould exert him- 
felf with greater zeal than he was ready 
to do, in order to accomplim a purpofe lb 
neceflary for the good of both countries* 

Mr. Fox declared, that, he fliould 
ever confider it to be his duty, as a mem- 
ber of the Britifh Parliament, not only to 
view the propofitions as they may affect 
the interefts of his own country; but, alfo, 
to fee in what way they will operate upon 
Ireland. For he confidered, that if they 
fliould tend" to injure the interefts of either 
country, the purpofe for which they are in- 
tended muft be equally and certainly defeated. 

That 



C 3 3 

That fome meafures were abfolutely 
neceflary to eftablifh content and mutual 
friendfhip between Great Britain and Ire- 
land, no man could doubt. But how little 
the propofitions that had been laid before 
Parliament, were adapted to produce fuch 
a happy confequence, every day's examina- 
tion had more and more confirmed. 

That this was the fad, with regard to 
the propofitions in general, no one could 
doubt who had given them the leaft atten- 
tion; but, if there was one propofition, 
more pregnant with obje&ions, and, againft 
which, both countries had greater reafon 
to complain, it was certainly this fourth 
propofition now under the confideratiou of 
the committee. This very propofition would 
certainly be found to contain matter fo in- 
jurious to both countries, that inftead of 
producing any thing like falutary confe- 
quences ; it muft, of itfelf, prove the caufe 
of endlefs jealoufies, ill-blood and animofi- 
tiss between the two countries. 

Mr. Fox then adverted to the infidions 

condu£t of miniftry, and what had fallen 

B 2 from 



[ 4 ] 

from his honourable friend behind him, 
(Mr. Sheridan) refpeding this very pro- 
position not having been laid before the 
Irifh Parliament with the reft. Mr. Fox 
was certainly of opinion that no power of 
language could do away the charge of in- 
fidioufnefs made by his honourable friend, 
when the direfl: attack againft the legi- 
ilative independence of Ireland came to be 
jnftly viewed, 

Mr. Fox called upon the recollection of 
the committee, by reminding them, that 
when the original propofitions were laid be-> 
fore the Houfe, the right honourable gen- 
tleman (Mr. Pitt) peremptorily declared 
that they muft pafs then, — that they could 
not be altered, — but that fuch as they were 
they muft ftand or fall together. 

When the minifter made this declaration, 
it muft alfo be frefli in the memory of every 
gentleman prefent, with what indecent 
hurry it had been attempted to carry thofe 
propofitions through the Houfe ; as well as 
with what extreme difficulty he (Mr. Fox) 

had 



r 5 ] 

had been able to prevent the rninifter from 
fucceeding m that attempt. 

Had the rninifter been fuccefsful in car- 
rying the original propofitions, it is now very 
well known, that fome of the effential in- 
terefts of this country muft have been facrifi- 
ced; among which, the Eaft India Company's 
Charter certain! could not be ranked as 
the leaft. Thefe fadts plainly proved, how 
neceflarv it was to take fufficient time, to 
weigh well the different effe&s the propo- 
sitions were likely to produce: feveral al- 
terations, called amendments, had already 
been adopted, which at firft appeared to 
lefTen the evils the propofition contained ; 
but, they certainly were not adequate to re- 
move thofe folid objections that ftill remained 
againft them in general, and this fourth pro- 
pofition in particular ; and, without re- 
moving which, the word: and moft un- 
happy confequences muft neceflarily follow. 

Mr. Fox declared, that aware, as he un- 
undoubtedly was, of the imbecility of the 
councils by which the Irifh propofitions 
had been framed, and doubtful, as he muft 

certainly 



I <r ] 

certainly be, of the wifdom or even fair* 
nefs of any negotiation carried on by the 
prefent miniftry, he owned however, that 
his apprehenfions had been principally rouf- 
ed by that hurry, with which the minifter 
attempted to drive the original propositions 
through the Houfe of Commons, and the 
difficulty with which he had been able to 
get the opportunity that had been acquired 
to confider them with fome attention. 

Added to this, he could not forget, how 
every fpecies of obftru&ion had been adopt- 
ed to prevent information from the different 
manufa&urers being brought to the bar 
of the Hcufe of Commons; from whom, 
information of the mod valuable kind ought 
to have been looked for in the prefent bufi- 
nefs. Nor could he forget the duplicity 
with which iome of thefe men had been 
treated by miniftry. It was the chara&er- 
iftic of men who mean to deal fairly, 
to admit every information. Men of a 
different defcription do every thing in their 
power to prevent it. That this has been 
the condudt of the prefent miniftry is fuffi- 
ciently eftablilhed by every part of their 

conduct 



[ 7 J 

conduit relative to this negotiation. And yet 
fuch was the con fu fed texture of this bufi- 
nefs, that what with the ignorance, duplicity, 
and hurry which had appeared, it was dif- 
ficult to fay which were moil: confpicuous ; 
but, taken altogether, it was highly necef- 
fary, to watch, with the keeneft attention, 
the conduct of the miniftry. 

By the original propofitions, that mini- 
ftry had attempted to haften through the 
Houfe of Commons, it was now very well 
known that they would have given up the 
power of the Britifh Parliament, to renew 
the Eaft India Company's charter. 

To what motive are we to impute this 
circumftance in the propofitions ? Is it to be 
looked upon as an effect of the minifter's ig- 
norance ? — Or, is it a concealed and fecret 
facrifice intended to be made, of one of the 
principal branches of the revenue of Great 
Britain ? 

If we are to attribute this facrifice mere- 
ly to that flupidity which {q eminently < £ 
plays itfelf throughout the whole 

of 



[ 3 ] 

of miniftry, he faid he fhould be glad to 
know, what reliance could be placed on any 
of their meafures ? Were men, capable of 
fuch neglect, worthy to be entrufted with 
the concerns of a great commercial na- 
tion ? — If on the other hand, we were to 
imagine, that miniftry were aware of giv- 
ing up the power of the Britiih Parlia- 
ment to renew the Eafl India Company's 
charter, what mufl: the public think of 
their fidelity to that Company, upon whofe 
fhoulders they had raifed themfelves to their 
prefent ftation ! In either way, Mr, Fox ob- 
ferved, the confequence mufl: prove equally 
fatal to every thing like confidence in the 
prefent miniftry. 

But what rendered the conduct of mini- 
ftry moft atrocious, in the propofitions that 
had been attempted to be paffed, was, that 
thefe very propofitions, which ultimately 
went to the annihilation of the Eaft India 
Company, as a Company, all together, were 
introduced by that very man, who owed 
his popularity to the pretence of vindi- 
cating their charter, which all the world 
knew had been abufed ! Whofe abufes had 

been 



[ 9 3 

been recognized by Parliament", — Abufes, 
that never had been denied, nor attempted 
to be denied. 

Yet, we have fe'en that very man, who 
was the pretended friend of the Eaft India 
Company's charter, merely becaufe it was 
a charter, introducing propositions as a mi- 
nifter, by which, not only the charter it- 
felf, but, by which, the very annihilation of 
the Company, as a Company, muft have 
been the conlequence ! The public in gene* 
ral, and that Company in particular, are 
now fenfible, or foon muft be fenfible, 
who are the real friends to the real interefts 
of the Eaft India Company. 

Mr. Pox begged leave to obferve, that every 
fpecies of rriifreprefentation had been made 
ufe of, to miflead the minds of the public, re- 
lative to the bill he had the honour to intro- 
duce> for the better regulation of the Eaft 
indiaCompany's affairs. Thefe mifreprefenta- 
tions had been but too fuccefsful at the mo- 
ment, but, he felt that confidence, which 
fills the mind of every man who is confci- 
of having a£ted upon juft principles for 
C the 



I 1° ] 

the good of the empire, that time would 
open the eyes of the public, and (hew them 
who were the real friends to the true in- 
terefts and profperity of the country in 
general, and that company in particular. 

Mr. Fox declared in very animated lan- 
guage, that no man was a firmer friend to 
perfonal liberty, or held the fecurity of per- 
gonal property more facred than himfelf. 
That no meafure of his, ever had, or ever 
fhould contain an infringement of either; 
and, although fuch an idea had been mali- 
cioufly interwoven with his Eaft India Bill, 
yet, that fuch an idea was falfe and ground- 
lefs, he boldly maintained, and defied any 
man to prove that there was any foundation 
for it. 






The charter by which the Eaft India 
Company held the monopoly of that trade 
was like all other charters. It was a charter, 
granted upon certain conditions, to a cer- 
tain number of men for the better conduct- 
ing a plan; for their advantage, no doubt, 
but not merely and entirely for their advan- 
tage, but for that of the community at large. 

The 



[ " ] 

The Eaft India Company's charter was 
therefore a trujl y which fo long as the 
conditions were fulfilled, and not injurious 
to the public, ought not to be interrupted 
or molefted. — But, when that truft had been 
abufed, would any friend to the prefent go- 
vernment pretend to fay, that it was not 
the duty of Parliament to interfere ? Or that 
by a violation of the conditions on their part, 
they did not themfelves forfeit their charter ? 

The Eaft India Company's charter is 
precifely a truft — not an irrevocable grant. 
And the conditions upon which Parliament 
can grant fuch a charter muft be confident 
with the good of the empire, without which 
Parliament could not grant a monopoly to 
anv fet of men whatever ; nor could Parlia- 
ment, confidently with its duty to the public, 
permit any charter to be continued, whofe 
conditions had been violated, or become 
injurious to the public good. 

The abufes of the Eaft India Company's 
truft, it was well known, had been recog- 
nized by Parliament, and in this Houfe by a 
very large majority. — Their mifcondudl had 
C 2 not 



[ 12 ] 

not only diigraced this country abroad, but 
threatened bankruptcy and ruin to their 
trade at home, And, fuch had been the 
confequences, that Parliament had not only 
been obliged to forego fome of its claims on 
the Company, hut to adminifter confiderable 
affiftance to fave it from deftruclion. 

To preferve that trade, which he, well 
knew was eflential to the Biitifh revenue, he 
introduced his bill, and Mr. Fox obferved, 
that in the hour when popular prejudice was 
at its height, he had always flood forward 
with this declaration. — Tha? he was ever 
ready to avow that bill, and he was fure that 
time would fliew its neceffity, though perhaps, 
too late to effect thefe. falutary confequences, 
ib greatly wanted to give liability and pro- 
fperky to the Eaft-India Company's, affairs., 

Mr. Fox obferved, that his bill was 
founded on the neceflity of a regulation of 
the Eaft-India Company's charter; — not to 
remove the property, or to affecT: it ; but to. 
give it that permanency and fuppor.t which 
its tendency to difloiution avowedly flood in 
need of. — But what was the conduct of the 

right 



[ «3 1 

right honourable gentleman on that bufinefs ? 
why, although it was proved on all hands 
that the charter had been abufed, and that 
the conditions upon which it had been grant- 
ed had been violated — yet he oppofed the 
bill, and defended the charter, merely be- 
caufe it was a charter. — 

To fee groundlefs apprehenfions excited by 
men whofe understandings it is impoffible to 
refpec"t, is not impoffible. That the right ho- 
nourable gentleman was fuccefsful in excit- 
ing thofe groundlefs apprehenfions is well 

known ; and now let us fee upon what 

degree of confiftency, and what degree 
of fincerity his friendship to the Eaft- 
India Company is really founded — why, the 
proofs of them are to be found, and will re- 
main for ever againft him in theie very propo- 
rtions. The firfl negociation he was engaged 
in, as a minifter, he made their charter and 
their existence as a company, a facrifice — - 
an unneceflary — an unfolicited, wanton, or 
carelefs, or treacherous facrifice to Ireland. — 
He (Mr, Fox) for one, Should never confent 
to make a Surrender of the Eaft-India Com- 
pany's charter; and zealous as be undoubt- 
edly 



[ 14 3 

edly was to fee the profperity of Ireland, 
yet be never could confent to place this coun- 
try in fo humiliating a iituation, that it 
fhould be obliged to Solicit the confent of the 
Irifh Parliament for leave to grant a renewal 
of the Eaft- India Company's charter. — Upon 
that trade, Great-Britain depended foracon- 
fiderable revenue ; and this the minifter 
ought to have remembered. — Was it to be 
imagined that Ireland would have returned 
fo immenfe an advantage ; or, that the Irifh 
Parliament would have been juftified in giv- 
ing it up again ; although they had obtained it 
"unfolicited, through the ignorance, or fome 
work motive, of our miniitry, and, it Should 
even have appeared without their intention ? 
Undoubtedly it would have been ablurd to 
exped any fuch thing. Once gone, there 
was an end of it for ever. 

Of the propositions now before Parlia- 
ment, the fact had turned out, that the 
more they were confidered, the more he 
found them liable to ferious and infuperable 
obje&ions. The ministry, notwithstanding 
their boafted determination of carrying them 
in their original form, had been obliged to 
• give 



[ '5 1 
give it up, and, thence, had proved, to all the 
world, that they could not vindicate them, and 
that they themfelves now confidered them as 
originally inadequate. — That they had flood 
upon ground which they found not tenable, 
and therefore, to make them lefs exception- 
able, certain additions and amendments had 
been adopted. 

But could any gentleman take upon him 
to lay, that the amendments were fuffi- 
cient to remove the evils contained in the 
propofitions ? certainly not. And it was 
his (Mr. Fox's) opinion, that it would be 
infinitely better to the peace and harmony 
of the two countries, that no treaty at 
all mould take place, than that the propofi- 
tions now before the committee mould. For 
unlefs fuch a plan was devifed as mould ef- 
fectually remove the grounds of uneafineis. 
without being materially detrimental to ei- 
ther country, it were better, doubtlefs, that 
no plan at all mould be put into execution. 

Mr. Fox then faid, that the propofitions 
were to be confidered as a treaty between 
two independent powers for the mutual ad- 
vantage 



[ x6 ] 

vantage of both. It was a bargain going on 
between them, to this purpofe, " I will 
4i give you fo much, for fo much." 

In* the conftru&ion of all fair bargains, 
It is ever underftood that both parties are to 
be benefited ; that neither is to.be wronged; 
that neither is to be injured. 

Bur this fourth proposition pofTeffes the 
moft extraordinary qualities that ever marked 
a negociation. — It promifes fo much to Ire- 
land, that it threatens the exiftence of many 
of our moft valuable manufactories, It alfo 
demands, a furfender, from Ireland, of her 
legiflative independence. 

To grant Ireland advantages detrimental 
to the immediate fupport of theBritifli Em- 
pire, can never be required by Ireland ; and 
ought not to be given by us. To grant Ire- 
land advantages, and require a price fhe 
cannot accede to, without relinquilhing her 
legiflative independence, would be an infult 
to her underftanding to expeft. 

Yet fuch is the abfolute tendency of this 
fourth proportion, and fuch the confe- 

quences 



C *7 ) 

quences that muft take place, if it be cai> 
ried. 

The complaints of Ireland undoubtedly 
merited every attention and might, if not 
removed by wife and falutary meafures, 
prove the caufe of ferious confequences. But 
did any one imagine that her complaints 
were to be relieved by advantages arifing 
from a participation of our trade, when Ihe, 
on the other hand, was to be obliged to relin- 
quifh the independence of her parliament? 
Would not that refumption of the legiflative 
power of the Britifh Parliament over that of 
Ireland, be a means to defeat every advan- 
tage to be expe&ed from a participation of 
our trade ? Undoubtedly it would* And in 
this cafe, Ireland makes an abfolute and cer- 
tain furrender of what is. her chief pride, 
I mean the independence of her Parliament, 
for a participation, the advantages of which, 
Great-Britain can always defeat by her re- 
fumed power over the Parliament of Ireland. 

That the uneafinefs of Ireland is worthy 
of the greateft exertions of our abilities, and 
xeq\}iresimmediate attention, muft b$ admit- 

D ted, 



t * 8 ] 

ted. — But when the effe&s of this propofi- 
tion (hall take place on the manufacturers of 
this country who have applied by petition — 
&re we to imagine that the complaints of the 
people of England will be lefs formidable, 
when they (hall find their interefts facrificed? 
Does any man pretend to fay, that a com- 
motion in England would be lefs alarming 
than difcontent in Ireland. 

The neceffity of purfuing this bufinefs with 
the utmoft circumfpeftion — the neceffity of 
acting upon deliberation arifes from this cir- 
cumftance — that, the propofitions, when ac- 
ceded to by Ireland, would and mull be final. 

An honourable gentleman behind me, 
(Mr. Dempfter) imagines it is neceffary 
that thefe propofitions (hould be tried, be- 
caufe fomething was necefiary to be done ; 
and, is clearly in an error refpe&ing the 
nature of the prefent negociation. He con- 
fiders it as differing from the treaty with 
Scotland (which forms the union) as that 
cannot be altered, becaufe, (fays he) one 
of the parties who framed it is no more, 
meaning the Scottifli Parliament.. He ima- 
gines, 



[ *9 ] 

gines, that the prefent propositions can be 
altered, becaufe both the Parliaments who 
agreed to them will Still remain. 

In this Mr. Fox begged leave to obferve 
the honourable gentleman had totally mif- 
understood the fad. 

The propofitions, when agreed to by the 
Britiih and Irifli Parliaments, would form a 
folemn treaty, that neither country could af- 
terwards alter, or infringe, without a direct 
violation of good faith. And in this he 
held the language and idea of the Chancel- 
lor of the Exchequer ; and in this, and in 
this only, he agreed with him. 

However detrimental the propositions, 
therefore, might hereafter be found to eithe* 
country — that country could not recrefs her- 
felf; for, fuch was the nature of the treaty. 
Did they not therefore demand the moft de- 
liberate inveftigation I 

The alterations that the propositions had 
already undergone were ftanding proofs, that 
no dependence ought to be placed in the wif- 

D z dom 



t « 3 

dom of thofe who originally offered them to 
Parliament. 

After the declaration made by the mi- 
liifter, upon his firft laying the propositions 
before Parliament, that they muft (land or 
fall together ; his mortification could not be 
fmall, to find himfelf forced to fubmit to 
alterations, in order to preferve that majority, 
from which, he had received fo many proofs 
of acquiefcence to his meafures. 

Supported as he (Mr. Pitt) often had 
boafted he was, yet he had certainly been 
difappointed on the prefent bufinefs. He 
had not found the prefent Houfe of Com- 
mons pliant enough entirely to forget their 
duty to their country. He had been forced 
to admit amendments ; but, whether with a 
view to benefit this or that country, or only 
to maintain that ftation he now filled, the 
public muft be left to judge. 

That the minifter had folemnly declared 
he would admit no alteration in the original 
propofitions is a fact. Did he keep his word ? 
No ; but by a&ing as he has done, it is plain 

his 



[ * 3 

his confidence in the fupport of the prefent 
Houfe 6f Commons begins to abate. And 
there is little doubt, but as they recede from 
the minifter's confidence, they will rife in 
the good opinion of the public. For per- 
haps, a more general and better founded 
alarm had never fpread itfelf ail over the 
kingdom than had been excited by the pro- 
positions 

The people have been very flow in their ap- 
prehenfions of the prefent miniftry. From the 
prefent Parliament, undoubtedly the people 
had a right to expeft the ftrongeft exertions, 
and the moft unremitting care for the general 
good. The majority had been fent to Par- 
liament under the moft popular approbation, 
though founded in delufion, that ever had 
marked a general ele&ion. Yet, of the mi- 
niftry, the people have fhewn by the peti- 
tions that croud the table, that, they have not, 
now, that confidence they once had; and that 
they are more ferioufly alarmed for the fafety 
of their trade and manufactures, and in a 
degree, that no minifter had ever dared to ex- 
pofe them to before* 

Little 



C « 1 

Little, indeed, could the people fufpect, 
that the fame man who made hi mfe If popu- 
lar by a clamorous fupport of a charter 
which had been abufed — would, when in 
power, have attempted to hurry propofitions 
through the Houfe, that entirely gave up 
for ever the power of renewing that very 
charter ! For no man would pretend to fay, 
it would have been doing lefs, if the minifter 
had been able to pafs the original propofitions. 

But with what aftonifhrnent mud the 
people behold him, engaged in abuiinefs, by 
which, fo many manufactories muft be ex- 
pofed to ruin, that, at one blow fwept away 
the means of exiftence to thoufinds of the 
manufacturers of Great Britain ! 

That thefe were facts, the petitions 
upon the table proved. And petitions from 
a more numerous, or more refpedtable 
body of men (however neglected and itir 
fulted by miniftry) had never been pre^ 
fented to this Houfe before. 

Much, though an ill founded reliance 
was placed on the amendments that had been 

made. 



[ *3 ] 

made. But 'were they adequate to remove 
the evils with which the propofltions were 
loaded ? No. Had the petitions ceafed to 
come in fince the amendments had been 
adopted ? No. Had miniftry been able to 
get any one fet of manufacturers in the king- 
dom to approve of the proportions not- 
withftanding the amendments ? No. — They 
have not been able to obtain one paper of ap- 
probation to lay upon that table, that groans 
with the mafs of petitions againft the 
proportions. Was the conduit of the mi- 
niftry fan&ioned by any one fet of men in 
the kingdom, who had appeared in the bu- 
finefs ? — No. Is not every man in an alarm 
who has the leaft fenfe of the danger of the 
propofltions ? — Certainly. 

That this fourth proposition contained 
in it fubjecT: of ferious alarm to the manu- 
facturers of Great Britain was fully efta- 
biiflved. 

BtfT let us fee how Ireland will be arret- 
ed. Will fhe only be benefited ? Is there 
nothing prejudicial to her interefts contain- 
ed in this propofition ? — Undoubtedly yes. 

For 



E H ] 

For it is made a part of it, that flic muft 
relinquish her legislative independence, and* 
adopt again, in future, laws made by the 
BritiSh Parliament. 

To take a more direft view of this pro- 
position : — It will be found that where the 
miniftry have not difplayed their imbecility 
— they have been infidious — where they 
have not been infidious they have been trea- 
cherous. And by one, or other, or, all 
thefe, have they been directed in their 
profecution of this very proposition now be- 
fore us. 

My honourable friend behind me, has clear- 
ly eSlabliShed the infidious conduct of mini- 
stry, in their not having laid this propofition 
before the Irifh Parliament with the others; 
particularly, as, by it, Ireland binds herfelf 

to refign her legiflative independence.* 

If 



* On Mr. Taylor, the chairman of the Committee, 
reading the fourth propofition,— Mr. Sheridan got up, 
and obferved, that it was not the fame that had been read 
the night before. To which Mr. Pitt replied, that the 

alteration 



C *5 1 

If it mould be pretended that there Was no 
infidious intention in not carrying this pro- 
portion before that Parliament — it becomes a 
proof of their imbecility in not having done 
fo — becaufe it is deemed ejfential: and there- 
fore, it proves, that miniftry had not been 
capable of finifliing and compleating their 
fyflerri to lay before Ireland. 

If it fhould be pretended that there is no 
meaning in the claufe which binds the Iriih 
to adopt the Britifh a'&s of Parliament, and, 
that Ireland will not be bound by it> then 
mull the whole be treachery to this country. 

As a proof of the imbecility of miniftry, 
and how diftant this negotiation is from the 



alteration obferved by the honourable gentleman^ had 
been made in confequence of a gefture he perceived on 
that fide of the Houfe, when the propofition was read. — « 
%/Lv. Sheridan, in his fpeech on this propofition, declared, 
(what was not attempted afterwards to be denied by the 
ihiniftryi ) " That this propofition though declared to be 
the ejjence of the whole fyftem, in not having been laid 
before the Irifh Parliament with the reft, and containing 
a claufe to reaflume the legiflative power of the Britifh Par- 
liament over that of Ireland — was a conduct infidious 
according to all the worft definitions of the term infidious, 

E eftimation 



T *6 ] 

eftimation due to a well digefted plan ; Mr. 
Fox obferved, that very early in this even- 
ing's debate, the right honourable gentLman 
(Mr. Pitt; had informed us, that one of the 
alterations called amendments in this fourth 
proportion, was made in confcquence of 
fome gejiures he perceived on this fide of the 
Houfe, when the proportion was read in the 
Committee the laft time of meeting. 

Can a ftronger picture be given, how lit- 
tle adminiftration is able to rely upon their 
own deliberations, than is conveyed in this 
declaration of the minifter ? That nothing 
permanent or beneficial to either country, 
could be expected from the councils of thofe 
who framed the proportions, I well knew. 
But, that fuch a mark fliould be fet upon 
^them by the minifter, as this, that he had 
adopted an alteration barely upon perceiving 
a gejlure on this fide of the Houfe, was an 
acknowledgement, how little they could de- 
pend on their own judgments, beyond what 
I could have looked for. 

What could the people think of the 
whole iyftem — When a gefture is the avowed 

caufe, 



[ *7 ] 
caufe, by the minister, of an alteration 'in 
one of the Irifh propofitions, which is de- 
clared ejfential towards carry'mg into effctl the 
frefent fcttiement, and forms one of the mod 
important branches of that fyftem, which 
is to give content to Ireland, and mutual 
happineis to both kingdoms ! — 

This very fyftem, which the fame mini- 
fter told us, muft ftand or fall together, — 
we now find, by the fame miniftcr, is be- 
come fo weak in their own eyes, that a gef- 
ture is a fufficient reafon to make an altera- 
tion in it. Such is the confiftency and 
firmnefs of the prefent adminiftration. 

Notwithstanding this geftkulated alter- 
ation, the original evil ftill remains. But, 
like every other alteration made in what is 
in itfelf radically bad, every amendment (as 
they are called) only fhews the original de- 
formity of the propofitions in ftrongcr and 
ftronger colours. 

This fourth propofition, as it now ftands, 
can never be agreed to: The firft and fecond 
part are incompatible, and it is impofiible that 
both countries can agree to it. 

E 2 In 



i ^3 ] 

Ik trie firft part, Ireland is promifed a par-? 
ticipation of our trade. This muft afford, at 
firft fight, a fruitful profpefl: to her. But what 
are the terms upon which flie is to attain this 
participation ? Why, by binding herfelf to 
adopt fuch Britifh a£ts of Parliament here- 
after to be made, as Great Britain fhall 
think fit to fend there. Will Ireland agree 
to this with her eyes open ? And will they 
not difcover the furrender demanded of 
them, on the firft perufal of the propofi- 
tion ? Undoubtedly they will, for to flip- 
pofe they will not, would be eftimating 
them a nation of idiots. 

However detrimental an unlimited parti- 
cipation of our trade may be, to pur manu- 
facturers, yet, the benefit to Ireland muft 
be remote. And Ireland, by this pcoppfi- 
tion, in furrendering their legiflative in^le- 
pencjence, gives up a certain good for au, 
uncertain benefit. 

If a man were to fet about framing ^ 
propofitjon, that could contain matter mof^; 
objectionable to both countries, he could not 
frame one more cpmpleatfy f° t ' ian tn ^ s 
fourth propofuion. 

Because 



[ *9 ] 
Because the advantages held out by the 
"firft part of it, are overbalanced by the de- 
mand of a furrender of the legiflative power 
of Ireland. Hereafter, Ireland has no power 
to confult her own interefts, but muft adopt 
the Britifh a£ts of Parliament ; and, having 
once agreed to the proportions, fhe from 
that time has no alternative, but muft adopt 
the laws framed here, and fent to her. 

Is it imagined the people of Ireland will 
not fee through this farce as favour? Will 
not the mind of an Irifhman revolt now at the 
idea of keeping up the form of a Parliament, 
■yvho muft regifter thofe laws which fhall 
hereafter be fent to Ireland ? They can have 
no alternative, nor can they call one of thefe 
l^ws into queftipn, or debate even upon 
their merits : having agreed to accept thefe 
propofitions, they will be bound, for ever, to 
pbey this condition. 

An attempt has been made, by theoppofite 
fide of the Houfe, to affert, that whatever 
the confequences may be to Ireland fhe will 
Jiave no right to complain, becaufe the pro- 
pofitions originated in her own Parliament. 

With 



[ 3° ] 
With refpect to the fourth proportion, 
this argument, mean as it certainly is, can- 
not be applied,, as it did not originate in 
Ireland. But, as to laying any flrefs upon 
the proportions coming from Ireland offi- 
cially, it is well known and generally ad- 
mitted, they fpring originally from the 
miniftry here. Therefore there can be no 
advantage taken againft Ireland on account 
of the propofitions coming from her Par- 
liament, 

To impofe upon a people, under any 
pretence, but particularly at the fame mo- 
ment you are telling them of granting them 
advantages which they did not poflefs be- 
fore, could only be attempted by the worft 
of men, and the mod profligate of mini- 
fters. 

Even if fuch a trick could be fuccefsful, 
will any man pretend to fay that an impofition 
is the moft likely way to heal the difquie- 
tude of the people of Ireland ? Does any 
man pretend to fay, that a fyftem built up- 
on fuch principles is capable of eflablifhing 
any thing Uke a harmonious or permanent 

-under-* 



C 3' 1 

ttnderftariding between the two countries? 
He muft be a -vifionary in politics indeed, 
who could entertain an idea fo abfurd. 

In order to illuftrate this pofition, Mr. 
Fox begged leave to fuppofe a cafe, that we 
were carrying on a negociation with any fo- 
reign power that were friendly towards us. 
And fuppofe that the minifter of this coun- 
try, induced that power, to prefer fuch and 
fuch propofals to our Parliament. When 
they found that they had been trepanned 
into an impofition, is it to be imagined they 
would abide by it, merely becaufe they had 
been feduced by our miniftry to be the 
propofers of it ? Undoubtedly they would 
not. And indeed, fo far from thinking 
themfelves bound to abide by it under fucli 
circumftances, their pride and intereft would 
feel doubly wounded ; and, the treachery 
of fuch a minifter would operate with 
double force, to make them reje£t it more 
firmly and with greater refentment. 

As, Ireland, by this proportion, mull: be 
obliged to adopt whatever laws Great-Bri- 
tain in her wifdorn mould fee fit to make 

for 



C 3* 3 

for the regulation of that trade, which Ire* 
Jand is to fharc — is it not the moft obvious 
thing in the world, that having that power, 
the Britifh Parliament would abandon the in- 
tereft of this country, if, iii framing her 
laws, they were not particularly attentive tb 
the particular interefts of Great-Britain ? 
No man can doubt it. Yet, if we were 
even to allow that this fhould not happeri, 
and that it never did happen, yet, ftill, fuch 
is the natural jealoufy of human nature, fuch 
the apprehenfion naturally raifed by giving 
power to others, that fufpicions w 7 ill una- 
voidably rife, and the natural confequences 
of fuch fufpicion muft follow. 

The chiefeft aim of Ireland in all her 
late endeavours, was, to obtain an independ- 
ent Parliament, and flie is now poffefled of 
a legiflatu re independent of Great-Britain. Is 
it to be imagined, that under the idea of get- 
ting a participation of our trade fhe will re- 
linquifh that power ? It would in fa<5t be 
yielding up her independency entirely to do 
fo, and it would be eftimatitlg them a nation 
of idiots, to fuppofe they would give up the 
principal chara&eriftic of a free people, or, 

to 



C 33 ] 

to make a certain iacrifice for a promifed be- 
nefit they never may be the better for. 

Even if Ireland agreed to furrender her 
legiflcitive independence, and bound herfelf 
to adopt in filence whatever laws Great-Bri- 
tain fhall hereafter think proper to impofe ; 
are we to expert the fame obedience to thofe 
laws as it they were framed by their own 
Parliament ? there was, Mr. Fox obferved, 
a material difference between that kind of 
obedunce, which arofe from a mind influ- 
enced and guided by voluntary and conftitu- 
tional ideas ; and that, which arofe from the 
mind which aimed not beyond that which 
claimed no higher defcription than the 
French gave, by the termor maniere d* ac- 
quit. Tedious and ineffectual mud be the 
obedience paid to laws framed in this coun- 
try for Ireland now ; when that fpirir, which 
alone gives energy and dignity to the execu- 
tion of all laws is broken and difcomfitted. 

This fourth proportion, therefore, is fo 
pregnant with evils and objections, that the 
framer of it fcems only to have been en- 

F gageu 



[ 34 ) 

gaged how to diftrefs us with the difficulty 
of enumerating them. 

Thus ftand the obje&ions againft this 
fourth propoiition. Objections on all fides 
unanfwerable, folid, and irremoveable. That 
in the very face and front of them threaten 
worfe confequences, and, in future, greater 
evils than any that can now exift. 

Mr. Fox, begged leave to ftate, before he 
concluded, that it was the praclice of the 
right honourable gentleman, (Mr. Pitt) in 
anfwer to any remarks that he (Mr. Fox) 
had the honour to fubmit to that Houfe, to 
take great pains to make it be believed, that 
he (Mr. Fox) by expofing the weaknefs and 
fallacy of the meafwes of adminiftration,, 
in eifecl:, created them. 

Gross and abfurd as fuch a mode of ar- 
gument certainly was, the right honourable 
gentleman was fo conftant in the ufe of it, 
that he (Mr. Fox) forefaw, that on the pre- 
fent occafion it would form the line of his 
conduct. Of this, it was only neceflary to 
obierve, that it would be incumbent on the 

right 



[ 35 ] 
right honourable gentleman to prove, how 
the expofure of an evil could create it. 

Mr. Fox, with fome warmth, declared, 
that he hoped he was too well acquainted 
with his duty in Parliament, to lit there 
merely to regiftcr the mealures of any mini- 
{try without examing them to the bift of his 
abilities. 

If the arguments he has ufed to (hew the 
fallacy and iniufficiency of this fourth pro- 
portion, and its direct tendency to injure 
both countries be not founded upon facts, 
the good fenfe of the people of Ireland will 
pay no regard to them. The manufacturers 
in Great-Britain will be contented. 

Administration have taken fome pains 
to make us believe, that if they can carry 
this fourth proportion in the I rim Parlia- 
ment, there is an end of the bufineis, and 
an end to all apprehensions on our part, as 
the treaty muft then bz final 

But let us not deceive ourfelves with th?s 
idea ; nor think fo meanly of the Irifh ; that 

F z even 



[ 3« ] 

even if their Parliament fhould make a fur- 
tender of their legiflative independence, that 
the people at large will agree to it, or re- 
main quiet under fuch a facrifice. 

There are recent hiftorical fa^ls, which 
prove, that the acquiefcence of the IrilH 
Houfe of Commons is not conclufive. And 
it was neceflary to make this remark now, 
that we might not be deceived into a belief, 
that by their acceding to this fourth pro- 
pofition, the bufmefs muft be finally ^fet- 
tled. 

It was not the acquiefcence merely of 
this or that defcription of men, that could 
fettle, upon a firm baiis, the terms that 
were equal to bind and cement the interefts 
and profperity of a great commercial people, 
if that acquiefcence be given in opposition to 
reafon and to facts. 

Solus populi fuprema lex, was a maxim uni-> 
verfally admitted. And fuch was the un- 
fortunate conftruction of the fourth propofi- 
tion, that nothing was more probable, thai; 

that 



C 37 ] 

that both countries would be obliged to ap- 
peal to it for relief* 

Incompetent as the propofitions had 
been found to quiet the uneafinefles, or, fe- 
cure the affections of Ireland ; and, perni- 
cious as this fourth propofition was, in par- 
ticular, to the honour or interefts of either 
country ; Mr. Fox appealed to the candour 
and good fenfe of the committee — » whether 
it would not, now, be more fair, more manly 
and more honourable, to addrefs the Irifli 
to this purpofe, " That, however defirous 
*V and happy we mould be to ferve you, yet 
in juftice to our own country, we find 
we cannot grant what we offered. With- 
out being the ruin of many here, we 
cannot ferve an equal number of you. 
Without expofing our own country and 
<; its manufactories and manufacturers to 
" ruin ; or, without your yielding up the 
u independency of your Parliament, we 
cannot grant the participation offered to 



<t 



it 



you, 



*» 



Gloomy, difgraceful, and fatal as this- ad- 
drefs would prove to the prefent miniftry — > 

yet; 



[ 38 ] 
yet it cannot be denied, but the fame addrefs 
is conveyed to the Iriih indiredlly by this very 
propofition. 

To profecute this meafure, upon terms 
that never can be adhered to, and, if ad- 
mitted, can never prove permamenr, muft 
prove the fource of endleis and additional 
complaints from Ireland, and trouble to 
Great-Britain, 

As a generous and liberal people, the Irim 
ought to be dealt with accordingly. They 
are capable of receiving the vvorit with for- 
titude, but, it is by no means to be expect- 
ed, therefore, that they will be impofed up- 
on with patience. The profperity of Ireland 
is undoubtedly to be confidered as the profpe- 
rity of Great-Britain; and, thereisnolriihman 
of fenfe, but is equally fenfiblethat the prof- 
perity of England is the profperity of Ireland. 

In our profperity, the Irifh are as firmly 
interefted, as we are in theirs ; and if they 
cannot profper without endangering that 
trade upon which the revenue of the em- 
pire principally depends for fupport— they 

would 



£ 39 ] 

would ultimately find it a purchafe dearly 
bought. 

Yet it is by no means my opinion that the 
profperity of Ireland may not be promoted 
without injury to the Britifh trade. But this 
I am lure of, no good can ever arife from. 
the prefent meafure of miniftry, towards 
carrying on the purpofes fo much wanted, 
— that of a perfect and cordial underftanding 
between the two countries. 

Nothing was more plain, and nothing 
was more true, that the more the Irifh pro- 
pofitions had been inveftigated, the greater 
number of objections rofe up again ft them. 
They promifed much to Ireland, but take 
away more than they give. The learned 
gentleman over the way (Mr. Dundas) has 
faid more to thefe points probably than he 
intended ; he avowed a caution neceffary on 
his part, to fay, how little Ireland would be 
benefited, how much Great-Britain would 
be a gainer. This was the minifterial lan- 
guage here ; and, it was well known they 
held another language in the other kingdom. 
This was only part of that littlenefs of conduct, 

mixed 



[40 ] 
mixed with duplicity, that diftinguifhed all 
the meafures of the prefent miniftry, and par- 
ticularly in their conduct through this nego- 
ciation. 

This fyftem is pregnant with the word: 
confequences to both countries. Without 
adminiftring any certain good to Ireland, it is 
to be accomplished, only by a furrender of 
her legiflative independence. The partici- 
pation threatens, on one hand, ruin to ma- 
ny of our moft valuable manufactures — and 
demands a furrender from Ireland ever too 
dear for her to pay for any advantages of trade 
fo remote and uncertain as it may prove. A 
fyftem loaded with fuch objections, and 
pregnant with fuch mifchiefs to both coun- 
tries, Mr. Fox declared he could not vote for. 

For, monftrous as the facrifices were, 
that had been attempted by miniftry, to be 
made to Ireland, (in particular that of the 
power of renewing the Eaft-India Compa- 
ny's Charter) — Deftru&ive as this fourth 
propofitton muft prove to thoufands of ma- 
nufacturers in this kingdom — yet, nothing 
was more obvious, than this fact, that Ire- 
land would reap no advantage whatever, as 

the 



[ 4i 3 

the refumption of the Britifh Parliament 
over that of Ireland takes a power that does 
away every idea of benefit to be expe£ted 
from the participation of our trade. 

Numerous as the obje&ions, againft this 
propofition, really were, Mr. Fox declared he 
did not take upon him to fay, that all the 
obje&ions contained in them were yet found 
out. For, as more of them were difcovered, 
the more they feemed to multiply, and grow 
daily ftronger by their numbers. It was not 
therefore to be wondered, that miniftry did 
every thing in their power to hurry them 
through Parliament. But let them beware 
of the confequences. 

Impregnated as the propofitions are with 

I the moft alarming mifchiefs to both coun- 
tries, and foreign as they are to effect: any 
one good purpofe to either country, it was 
his (Mr. Fox's) duty to oppofe them. For 
inftead of producing benefits, they will cer- 
tainly prove the fource of the moft unhappy 
confequences both to Great-Britain and to 
Ireland. 
A COR- 



CORRECT LIST 



OF THE 



MINORITY 



IN THE 



HOUSE OF COMMONS, 



O N 



Mr, PITT's 
IRISH PROPOSITIONS, 



LONDON: 

PRINTED FOR, J. DE BRETT, 
OPPOSITE BURLINGTON. HOUSE, PICCADILLY, 

M DCC LXXXV. 



CORRECT LIST 



OP T H S 



Minority in the Houfe of Commons, 



O N 



Mr. PITT's 
IRISH PROPOSITIONS, 



A'C OURT, W. K A. Efq. Hey tfbury. 
Adam, William, Efq. Kintore. 
Amrots, Wharton, Efq. Eaft Retford. 
Anfon, George, Efq. Lichfield. 
Anflruther, John, Efq. Anftruther* 
Bamfylde, Sir Charles Warwick* Bait. Exeter. 
Eaffet, Sir Francis, Bart. Penryn. 
Leriford, Richard, Efq. Arundel. 
Beauclf. Lord PIdwAid Charles^ Nottingham flare. 

4 Benyoc, 



[ » ] 

Benyon, Richard, Efq. Peterborough. 

Blackburne, John, Efq. Lancashire. 

Bouverie, Hon. W. H. New Sarum. 

Brickdale, Matthew, Efq. Briftol. 

Bridgcman, Sir Henry, Bart. Wenlock, 

Bridgcman, John, Efq. Ditto. 

Bridgeman, Orlando, Efq. Wigan. 

Brown, Launcelor, Efq. Huntingdon. 

Bullock, John, Efq. EfTex. 

Burgoyne, Right Hon. John, Prefton. 

Burke, Right Hon. Edmund, Malton. 

Carnegie, Sir David, Bart. Aberdeen. 

Cafwall, Timothy, Efq. Brakley. 

Cavendifh, Right Hon. Lord G. A. H. Derby. 

Cavendifh, Right Hon. Lord George, Derbyfiiirc 

Charteris, Francis, Efq. Lauder. 

Give, Lord, Ludlow. 

Clive, William, Efq. Eifhops Cafile. 

Codrington, Sir William, Bart. Tewkfbury, 

Coke, Daniel Parker, Efq. Nottingham. 

Coke, Edward, Efq. Derby. 

Colhoun, William, Efq. Bedford. 

Cornwall, Sir George. 7: -:c r ordfhirc. 

Cotes 



I 3 3 

Cotcg, John, Efq. Wigan. 

Cotsford, Edward, Efq. Midhurft. 

Courtney, John, Efq. Tarn worth. 

Crefpigney, P. Champ, Efq. Aldborough. 

Crewe, John, Efq. Chefhire. 

Cruger, Henry, Efq. Briftol. 

Cunynghame, Sir W. A. Bart. Linlithgowfhirt, 

Damer, Hon. George, Dorchefter. 

Davenport, Sir Tho. Bart, Newton, Lancashire. 

Davers, Sir Charles, Bart. St. Edmond's Bury. 

Delrne, Peter, Efq. Morpeth. 

Dickenfon, William, Efq. Rye. 

Dundas, Sir Thomas, Bart. Stirling(hire. 

Dundas, Charles, Efq. Richmond. 

Dundas, Thomas, Efq. Orkney. 

Eden, Sir John, Bart. Durham County. 

Eden, Right Hon. William, Heytfbury. 

Egerton, John William, Efq. Brackley, 

Egerton, William, Efq, Hindon. 

Ellis, Right Hon. Weibore, Weymouth. 

Elphhiftone, Hon. G. K. DunbartonChire. 

Erfkine, Sir James, Bart. Morpeth, 

Evelyn, William, Efq, Hy the. 

Ewer 



[4 3 

Ewer, William, Efq. Dorchefter. 

Featherflonhaugh, Sir Harry, Bart. Portfmouth. 

Fiteherbeit, Thomas. Efq. Arundel. 

Firzpa'rkk, Right Hon. Richard, Taviftock. 

Fletcher, Sir Henry, Bart. Cumberland, 

FtJey, Hon. Edward, Worceftcrfhire. 

Foley, Hon. Andrew, Dioitwich. 

Fox, Right Hon. C J. Weflminflerand Kirkwall. 

Francis. Philip, Efq. Yarmouth. 

Frederick, Sir John, Bart. Chriftchurch* 

Hare, James, Efq. Kn art (borough. 

Harley, Right Hon. Thomas, Herefordlhire, 

Howel, David, Efq. St. Michael'*. 

Hunt, Thomas Efq. Bodm)n. 

HufiVy, William, Efq. New Sarum. 

Jervois, Jeivois Clarke, fcfq. Hampfhire* 

JollifiTe. William. Efq. Petersfield. 

JolIilFe, Thomas Samuel Lfq. Ditto. 

Kecue, Whitfhed. Efq. Montgomery. 

Knight, R. P. 1 (q. Ludlow. 

Ladbioke, Robert, Efq Wanvick.. 

Lee, John, Efq. Cluhero. v 

Leeds, Edward, Efq. Ryegate. 

Lifburne^ 



Is) 

Liflbume, Earl cf, Caidiganmire. 

Lifter, Thomas, Efq. Cluhero. 

Lloyd, Maurice, Efq. Gdtton. 

Long, Dudley, Efq Great Grimiby. 

Mackenzie, F. H. Efq. Rosfhire. 

Mackworth, 5ir Herbert, Bait. CardilE 

Mainland, Vifc M<*lmfbury. 

Marfham, Hon. Charles, Kent. 

Matters, Thomas, Efq. Gloucefterfhire. 

Meadows, Charles, Efq. Nottingharnmire. 

Melbourne, Vifc. Malmfbury. 

Middleton, Sir William, Eart. Northumberland, 

Milford, Lord, Haverfordweft. 

Monckton, Hon. Edward, SuiFord. 

Montagu, Rt Hon. Frederick Higham Ferrers. 

Morant, Edward, Efq. Yarmouth. 

Morgan, Charles, t (q. Bieconfhhe. 

Moifhead, Sir John, Bart. Bodmyn. 

Moftyn, Sir Roger, Bart. Flintfhire. 

Moyfey, Abel, Ffq Bath. 

Newnham, Nathaniel, Efq. London. 

Nicholls, John, Efq. Blechingley. 

North, Right Hon. Lord, Banbury, 

NortV 



C * } 

North, Hon* G. A. Wootton BaflTeL 
Onflow, Hon. Thomas, Guilford, 
Ord, John, Efq. Wcndover. 
Owen, Sir Hugh, Bart. 'Pembrokemire. 
Owen. Hugh, Efq. Pembroke. 
Cwen, Wm. M. Efq. Montgomery (hire. 
Page, Francis, Efq. Oxford Univerfity. 
Palmerrron, Vifc. Boroughbridge. 
Pclham, Charles An. Efq. Lincolnfliire. 
Pclham, Hon. Henry, Lewis. 
Pclham, Right Hon. Thomas, SufTex. 
Fcnryn, Lord,. Liverpool. 
Penruddock, Charles, Efq. Wiltfhire. 
Philipps, J. G. Efq. Carmarthen. 
Flumer, William, Efq. Plertfordfhirc 
Powys, Thomas, Efq. Northamptonfhire. 
Rawlinfon, Sir Walter, Bart. Huntingdon. 
Rawlinfori, Abram, Efq. Lancaller. . 
Ridley, Sir M. W. Bart. Newcaftle. 
Rogers, John, Efq. Hclfton. 
Rumour, Sir John, Bart. Evelham. 

(hwortli, Edward, Efq. Newport, Hants* 
St. Aubyn, Sir John, Bart. Penryn. 

Salt, 



C 7 1, 

Salt, Samuel, Efq. Aldborough, Suffolk. 

Saville, Hon. R.L. Lincoln. 

Sawbridgc, John, Efq. London. 

Scott, Thomas, Efq. Bridport. 

Scudamore, John, Efq. Hereford. 

Skene, Robert, Efq. Fifelhire. 

Slpper, Wm, Charles, Efq. St. Albani. 

Sneyd, Walter, Efq. Cattle Rifing. 

Spencer, Rt. Hon. Lord Charles, Oxfordshire. 

Spencer, Rt. Hon. Lord Robert, Oxford City. 

Stanley, Thomas, Efq. Lancashire. 

Strachey, Henry, Efq. Bifiiops Cattle, 

Stuart, Hon. James, Butefhirc. 

Sturt, Charles, Efq. Bridport. 

Surrey, Earl of, Carlifle. 

Sutton, Sir Richard, Boroughbridgc. 

Tcmpeft, John, Efq. Durham City. 

Thiftlethwayte, Robert, Efq. Hants. ' 

Thorold, Sir John, Lincoln (hire. 

Van Neck, Sir G. W. Dunwick. 

Vaughan, Hon. John, Berwick. 

Vaughan, Evan Lloyd, Efq. Merionethlhir*, 

Vyner, Robirt, Efq. Thirfke. 

Walpble, 



I 8 ] 

WalpoTe, Hon. Horaiio, King's Lynn* 
WaJtfiam, Lord, Maiden. 
Walwvn. James, Efq. I Hereford. 
Weddell, William, E(^ Malton.^ 
Whitmore, i nomas, £f(j. nlgenorth, 
Windham, William, Efq. Norwich, 
Wraxall, N. W. Efq. Ludgerflnll. 
Wrightfon, William, Efq. Aylefbury. 
Wynne, Sir W. W. Bart. Dcnbighihire. 



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Mr. FOX's REPLY 



T O 



Mr. P IT T, 



UPON REPORTING THE FOURTH PROPOSITION 



OF THE 



IRISH SYSTEM; 



PURPORTING THAT ALL LAWS FOR 
THE REGULATION OF TRADE AND 
NAVIGATION SHALL HAVE E QJJ A L 
FORCE IN IRELAND AS IN ENGLAND. 



On TUESDAY, May 31, 1785. 



LONDON: 

Printed for George Kearsley, No. 46, 
Fleet-Street. 



[PRICE, SIX PENCE.] 



Mr. F O X's 



R E P L Y 



T O 



Mr. PIT T, &c. 



M 



R. PITT had urged four charges againft 
the Oppofition. Thefe four charges com- 
prehend the fubftance of his fpeech, and are as 
follow: That they had fhifted their grounds — 
that they were playing a double game — that Lord 
North and Mr. Sheridan were perfectly incon- 
fiftent, and that Mr. Fox, failing to convince that 
Houfe of the danger of the Propofitions to the 
commerce of England, had now, for thefirft time> 
difcovered any attack upon the Jrifh conftitu- 
tion, and therefore endeavoured to' raife the jea- 
loufy of that kingdom againft the fyftem. 

Mr. 



( 4 ) 

Mr. Fox began with remarking, that in the 
perfonal and political character of the Right Ho- 
nourable Gentleman over-againft him (Mr. Pitt) 
there were many qualities and habits that had 
often furprifed him, and he believed that con- 
founded the Speculations of every man who had 
ever much confidered or analized his difpofition; 
but that his conduct on this night had redu- 
ced all that was unaccountable, incoherent, and 
contradictory in his character in times paft, to a 
mere nothing. — That he fhone out in a new light, 
furpalTing even himfelf, and leaving his hearers 
wrapt in amazement, uncertain whether moll to 
wonder at the extraordinary fpeech they had 
heard, or the frontlefs confidence with which that 
fpeech had been delivered. Such a farrago of idle 
and arrogant declamation, uttered in any other 
place, and by any other perfon, upon the fubject 
in queflion, woujd naturally fill the Members of 
that Houfe with aftonifhment ; but fpoken by 
that Hon. Gentleman within thofe walls, in the 
prefence of men who were witnefTes of all the 
proceedings upon this bufinefs, every one of whom 
could bear, testimony to the grofs and unblufhing 
fallacy of the Hon. Gentleman — it was, Mr. Fox 
faid, an act of boldnefs, a fpecies of parliamentary 
hardyhood, certainly not to be accounted for upon 

any 



( 5 ) 

any known or received rules of common fenfe 
or common reaibning. 

I cannoc help (continued Mr. Fox) remarking 
the vaft difparity in the tone of temper, and the 
ftile of expreflion, exhibited by the Hon. Gentle- 
man upon this night, from thofe which he deem- 
ed it expedient to adopt when he opened the 
eighteen Propofitions to this Houfe. — On that 
night I quoted a pafTage, 

Telephus aut Peleus cum pauper,- et exul uterque, 
Projicit ampulla*^ et fefqulpcdalia verba. 

and I quoted it to exemplify the change which thr 
deplorable fituation into which his raihnefs, ? is 
ignorance, or what is not more reputable t:^a ei- 
ther, a ferVile adoption of other men's iancies, 
and thrufting forward the crude heap of difcord- 
ant and dangerous materials, which form this 
miferable project, had involved the Hon. Gentle- 
man. Upon that occafion I could not help ob- 
fervjng, that the ampulla and the fefquipeajilia 'verba 
— that the Hon. Gentleman's magnificent terms, 
his verbofe periods, and thofe big bombaflic 
fentiments which conftitute in general the prin- 
cipal part of his orations, had for once for- 
faken him, or been relinquiihcd, for language 
and for manners better accommodated to his 
difaftrous condition. — Then we faw the avowed 

confederecv 



( 6 ) 

confederacy of the Hon. Gentleman, with thofe 
about him (meaning Mr. Jerikinfon), whofe co- 
operation in the general fyftem of his government 
the Hon. Gentleman is fo commonly anxious to 
difavow, but whofe opinions he fo uniformly pro- 
pagates and afferts — Then we faw that prepofte- 
rous ambition, that gaudy pride, and vaulting 
vanity which glare upon the obferver beyond all 
the other chara&eriftic features of the Hon. 
Gentleman, and which prompt him to look down 
with contempt upon his political coadjutors — to 
fancy himfelf the great overfeer, the furveyor gene* 
ral y of the Britifh Government — We faw this glit- 
tering aiTemblage melt away, and that Hon. Gen. 
tleman defcend to a curious and mod affecting 
fympathy with the other fupporters of this fyftem, 
as well as into fomething like a modeft and civil 
demeanor towards thofe who oppofed it. — But 
alas! the Hon. Gentleman's deviation into a mo- 
derate and humble courfe of argument, — into a 
courfe befitting a man detected in ten thoufand 
inftances of folly, precipitancy, ralhnefs, weak- 
nefs, and confummate ignorance of the fubjed: 
in difcuffion, was but tranfient and temporary. 
The hopes of a reform in his conduct were as de- 
lufive and fallacious, even as the many hopes of 
other reforms which that Hon. Gentleman has 

gulled 



( 7 ) 

gulled a variety of perfons in this country to 
entertain upon points of more importance. — 
Upon this night, the Hon. Gentleman has relapled 
into his own favourite and darling habits — the 
ampulla and fefqutyedalia verba are again refumed 
with additional redundancy. Nerved with new 
rancour, and impelled with frefh vehemence, the 
Hon. Gentleman rumes blindly forward; but 
furely it cannot efcape obfervation, that thedifplay 
of thefe paflions and the refumption of that mode 
of reafoning are the beft proofs that the Hon. 
Gentleman is indeed reduced to the laft extremity s 
and by the ufe of fuch arguments, that he fhews 
himfelf deftitute of any that better become a real 
Statefman, or a great orator. 

Beaten out of every thing that bears the fem- 
blance of argument, without the lead fhred or 
remnant of reafoning to fupport him, the Hon. 
Gentleman is forced upon the ram and dangerous 
hazard of carrying the war into the enemy's 
camp ; and finding it impoflible to fay one word 
in vindication of his own deformed and miferable 
fyftem, he is obliged to throw out a feries of in- 
veclives, and by exhibiting a lift of charges 
againfl us (charges which, the very moment he 
gives them utterance, he knows to be abfolutely, 
and entirely deftitute of every veftige of truth) 

to 



( 8 ) 

to engage the attention, and divert the notice of 
the Houfe from his own wretched and con- 
temptible fc hemes. The admirable argument of 
my Hon. Friend is anfwered with hard epithets, 
with ftrong affertions, with lofty phrafes, with 
long and laboured calumnies, and with the ufual 
round of redundant and difgufting egotifms. In 
proportion to the poverty of the caule he engages 
in, is the pompous afTumption of the Hon. Gen«^ 
tleman ; and of all the various fingularjties which 
compofe his character, nothing, I confefs, amazes 
me fo much, as the perfect compofure with 
-which he attempts to criminate his adverfa- 
ries, upon points in which he is himfelf, of aii 
men living, the mod vulnerable j and the ilea- 
dinefs and refolution with which he puts forth 
accufations, in a defperate defiance of truth, 
and with as determined a contempt of prudence 
and propriety in the manner of urging them. 
Before I touch upon the charges to which I al- 
lude, I cannot help obferving, with what a fpe- 
cial grace that Hon. Gentleman ridicules long 
fpeeches — with what a fingular juftnefs it is tha$ 
be, of all the Members in this Houfe, attempts to 
correct others for occupying much of the time ot 
the Houfe. I do not intend to deny the Hon. 
Gentleman the merit of great abilities, great elo- 
quence, and powers of pleafing his hearers 3 but 

of 



( 9 ) 

of all the crimes to be urged againfl: any perfon 
within thefe walls, the lad undoubtedly for him to 
venture upon is, to charge the long duration of 
his fpeech as a fault againft any Member. — He 
(like myfelf) is under the neceffity of troubling 
this Houfe much oftener, and for a much longer 
time, than is perhaps agreeable ; and it ill be- 
comes either of us to reprobate others for a prac- 
tice we ourfelves fo frequently fall into. Grate- 
ful for the indulgence we are favoured with, and 
firirerely thankful for the patience and the polite- 
nefs with which we are honoured, we fhould cer- 
tainly be the laft to condemn that, in which our- 
felves are the greateft tranfgrelTors. — And I mail 
drop this part of the fubjec~t, with only remark- 
ing, that if an almoft uniform deviation from the 
immediate fubjec"t in difcuflion, — if abandoning 
liberal arguments for illiberal declamations, — if 
frequently quitting found fenfe for indecent far- 
cafms, and preferring to roufe the paflions, and 
inflame the prejudices of his auditory, to the con- 
vincing their understandings and informing their 
judgments, tended to diminifh the title of any 
Member of this Houfe to a more than common 
portion of its temper and endurance — I do not 
know one Gentleman who would have fo ill- 
founded a claim upon it, for fuch favours, as 
that very Honourable Gentleman himfelf, 

B Th* 



( io ) 

The Hon. Gentleman has ftruggled much to 
rix a charge of inconfiftency upon my noble friend, 
and upon my Hon. Friend near me (Mr. Sheri- 
dan) ; and fuch is the fatality of an inordinate 
appetite for accufation, that the only point by 
which he has chofen to illuftrate this inconfift- 
ency, is a point that proves, as clear as day-light, 
that both the one and the other is perfectly and 
thoroughly confident. The noble Lord fupports 
the fourth Proportion, becaufe he thinks it makes 
laws no more for Ireland than is in this inftance 
juft. The Hon. Gentleman reprobates it, be- 
caufe he thinks it an infidious, a deceitful, and 
treacherous manoeuvre to cheat the Irifh out of 
their independence, and dupe them into fervility, 
by profpedls of advantages of another kind. The 
noble Lord and the Hon. Gentleman have taken 
the fame fide, argued upon the fame principle, 
and acted under the fame impreflion, upon the 
fame fubjecly from the firft moment the Right 
Hon. Gentleman introduced it to this Houfe . 
their language has been unvarying, and their con- 
duel in ftricl: unifon with their refpective declara- 
tions. The noble Lord has fhewn the danger to? 
the trade of England, from the adoption of thefe 
proportions, and has, in my judgment, unan- 
fwerably confirmed that the prornifed compenfa- 
tion is delufive and fallacious in the extreme — in 

both thefe pofitions my Hon. Friend concurs 

nay; 



( M ) 

nay, he goes further, and demonftrates that al- 
though he might wifli well to the propofitions 
as generally favourable to the trade of Ireland in 
their original ftate, the Honourable Gentleman's 
alterations have fo radically changed their na- 
ture, that Ireland will be the pofitive lofer in 
thefe three great branches, viz. the American, the 
Weft-Indian and Eaft-Indian trade — fo that the 
only chance me has of benefit, or of indemnify- 
ing herfelf for the injury fhe receives by the 
change of her prefent fyftem of trade in thefe 
great lines of commerce, confifts folely in the 
hopes of underfelling England in the Englifti 
markets. He therefore confiders the arrangement 
as upon the whole prejudicial to Ireland, (inde- 
pendant of the attempt at refuming the power of 
legiflation under the fourth Proportion) becatife 
it is not by the downfall of England that he wifhes 
Ireland to profper. Thus all my noble Friend's 
argument tended to mew the danger to the manu- 
factures and trade of England from the propofed 
fyftem.- — My Honourable Friend admits, that 
Ireland's only fource of benefit is confined to 
England, for that in the arrangement of the fo- 
reign trade every thing is againft her; and in this 
point fo triumphantly dwelt upon by the Right 
Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Pitt) as the criterion of 
B 2 their 



( I* ) 

their contradiction, nothing in fa£t appears, but 
the moil precife confiftency on their part. This 
detection of his miftake may perhaps (but I be- 
lieve nothing can) teach the Hon. Gentleman 
previoufly to confider a charge before he makes 
it, and not wade fo much phlegm, nor expend 
fo many fine periods upon fubjects, which will 
only fhew his own rafhnefs, weaknefs, and I had 
almoft faid abfurdity ! 

But the Hon. Gentleman feems determined, at 
all rifles, to fill up the catalogue of accufations ; 
and in the hey-day of his fpleen, in the plenitude 
of his indignation, to contemn every confequence 
to himfelf, provided he fucceeds in giving us a 
fide blow. What is the world to think of that 
Hon. Gentleman's difcretion and judgment, forth 
from this night, who, upon the fubje&of the Irifh 
Proportions, ventures neither more nor lefs, than 
to charge us with cc jhifting our ground" and with 
cc flaying a double game V* 

Is there a Gentleman here, who out of this 
Houfe at the moment, would have believed that 
the Hon. Gentleman could have been fo unguard- 
ed, fo fenfelefs, fo mad, as to ftumble upon fuch 
a charge ? He—He y to talk of our fhifting our 
ground? He, who has fhifted his ground, until, 
In truth, he has no ground to Hand upon— —He, 

who 



( i3 ) 

who has afTumed fo many fhapes, colours, and 
characters, in the progrefs of this extraordinary 
undertaking. He, who has proclaimed determina- 
tions, only to recede from them — who has avert- 
ed principles only to renounce them. He, whofe 
whole conduct, from the flrfl moment the fyftem 
has been propofed, is one continued chain of 
tricks, quibbles, fubterfuges, and tergiverfations ; 
uniform alone in contradictions and inconfiften- 
cies. Compare the twenty Propofitions now upon 
your table, with the eleven original ones, as he 
introduced them to this Houfe. Compare his lan- 
guage on that day with the language of to-night. 
Compare the nature of the two firings of propofi- 
tions fubftantially and fundamentally fubverted in 
many parts, in all materially altered — with thofe 
reiterated declarations, that not one principle 
could on any terms be meddled with. Let the 
Houfe reflect upon thefe circumflances, and then 
let them judge, whether a grofTer piece of infanity 
was ever heard of, than that the author of all this 
miferable foolery fhould charge others with Jhift- 
ing their ground. 

And then the Hon. Gentelman is pleafed to 
fay, that we are playing a double game. The pa- 
rent of double games, and the very efTence of 

double 



C '4 ) 

double dealing through every part of this bufi- 
nefs, is the very man who has the front to make 
this charge. But does he think this nation is as 
blind andfenfelefs as thofe who in fupporting this 
fyflem within thefe walls, avow their utter igno- 
rance of it, as the motive that impels them ? 
Does he think an abfolute ftupefaction has 
petrified the intellects of men, that be (hould have 
the boldnefs to talk of other people's playing a 
double game. He who has played a double game 
with England, a double game with Ireland, and 
juggled both nations by a train of unparalleled 
fubtlety ? 

Who propofed the fcheme to Ireland as a di- 
gefled fyftem, final and complete} pledging the 
the faith of Government that the Eleven Propo- 
rtions contained the wbole, and that not one of 
them mould be altered ? The Honourable Gentle- 
man. — Who fwelled thefe eleven to eighteen pro- 
pofitions, in a variety of fundamental points 
radically altered and overturned ? The Hon. Gen- 
tleman. Who allured the body of Britifh traders 
and manufacturers, that their refpective branches 
fhould be faithfully fecured from every evil ? 
Who denied this afTurance afterwards ? Who fo- 
lemnly declared, in the face of the Houfe of 

Commons, 



( i5 ) 

Commons, that all the principles of the original 
eleven fhould remain inviolate ? Who wasitafter- 
wards that openly violated this folemn declara- 
tion ? Let the Hon. Gentleman anfwer thefe quef- 
tions to his own fatisfaclion if he can, and let the 
world decide which fide of the Houfe has been 
playing a double game. 

Does the impofition which almoft every manu- 
facturer who has ktn the Hon. Gentleman upon 
this bufinefs, arife only from a mifunderftanding ? 
That perfons {landing in this Houfe in the light 
of rivalfhip, and political emulation, prone to 
mifconceive and to mifinterpret, fhould often- 
mifunderftand each other, is no great caufe of 
wonder. But what interefl could the manufac- 
turers of England have to mifunderfland the Hon. 
Gentleman ? Did it arife from his want of power 
to exprefs himfelf ? Was it owing to his habitual 
brevity ; to his known diflike to circumlocution, 
and to the circumftance of never ufing more words 
than are barely fufficient to give his meaning ? 
The world will judge whether to impute it mod 
to thefe caufes, or indeed to the playing a delibe- 
rate double game. 

But, Sir, it is not in retorting thefe filly charges 
that we reft our defence upon thefe points. From 

the 



( *6 ) 

the beginning, we have been uniform and con- 1 
fiftent, and if any new objections have been urged 
by us, they are attributable to the novelty of the 
Proportions, which the Hon. Gentleman has pro- 
duced, without any previous notice to this Houfe, 
to this country, or to Ireland. It were indeed a 
hardftiip and injuftice, that becaufe we combated 
the defects of a new fcheme, we fhould be liable 
to the charge of fhifting our ground againft an old 
fcheme, no longer the object of difcuflion -, and 
here I cannot help obferving, that if it be true, 
that ingratitude is the worft of fins, I can fee no 
light in which the Hon. Gentleman appears, but 
that of the worft of finners. What a pernicious 
fcheme would this have been, unpurged by our 
amendments -, and now what a return does he 
make us ? But there are proud and fullen fouls 
in this world, inveloped in a faftidious admira- 
tion of themfelves, and an auftere and haughty 
contempt for the reft of the world, upon whom 
obligation has only the effect of enmity, and 
whofe hatred is beft fecured by redeeming them 
from danger and difhonour. 

There remains one more charge to be noticed, 
which is more fingular, if pofiible, than the for- 
mer, becaufe it is more groundlefs and palpable. 

The 



( «7 ) 

The Hon. Gentleman fays, that now, for thefirfl 
time> an objection is made to the fourth propolis 
tion ; and he infers from my filence this night, 
that I had no arguments to oppofe to it. How 
any man with the fmalleft faculty of recollection* 
with the flighted feeling of fhame, can hazard 
fuch a reproach, is, I confefs, to me perfectly 
unaccountable ! I do not believe there is one man, 
not merely in this Houfe, but in this nation, that 
reads a news-paper, who can be ignorant, that I 
have uniformly reprobated this fourth propofition 
from the firft moment of its introduction 5 that we 
divided the committee upon this very claufe of 
the fyftem, and that our minority was a very 
fmall one. The very arguments I fhall now urge 
againft it, will demonftrate the falfhood of the ac* 
cufation, for they will only be a repetition of 
what I have faid before, and when the Houfe fees 
that I am charged with never before having ob- 
jected to this propofition, they will, I truft, ex- 
cufe me for tautology and repetition. 

Here Mr. Fox: went over the ground of his 
known objections to this part of the fyftem. He 
faid he had no doubt the fair conftruction of the 
fourth refolution would appear to any man living 
of common fenfe, to be virtually to make laws 
for Ireland, and would be to renovate rafhly and 

C wantonly 



( »» ) 

wantonly the jealoufies of the whole Irifli nation 
upon a point of the mod peculiar tendernefs and 
delicacy. In vain were attempts made to aflimi- 
late this furrenderof the legiflative independence 
of Ireland with the cafe of treaties between two 
Sovereign States. In the latter cafe, one State 
bound itfelf to do fomething defined andfpeciflc, 
when the other adopted fome defined and fpecific 
meafure. Here was no condition of fervitude or 
obedience, but a mutual agreement to accomplifh 
fomething underftood and particularifed by com- 
mon confent, for their common advantage, upon 
a certain contingency. To make the cafes fimi- 
lar, an inftance fhould bd produced (which in- 
ftance, Mr. Fox affirmed, could not be found in 
the hiftory of mankind) where one independent 
State bound itfelf folemnly to do any thing unde- 
fined, unfpecijicy and uncertain, at the arbitrary 
demand of another State. Precifely fuch a de- 
mand would be made upon Ireland, and if this ' 
propofition were adopted, no man would 'be Am- 
ple enough to deny that England would make 
laws for Ireland $ for what would be the paffing 
of a Bill under the operation of this member of 
the propofed fyftem, through the Parliament of 
Ireland, but a legiflative mockery for not a 
change could be made in it afterwards, and fair •' 

^difeufrlon* 



( i9 ) 

difcuffion and free agency would, forth from that 
moment, be utterly extinguifhed. 

Thus inconteftibly flood the matter in point 
of reafoning and in point of faft. He could 
conceive many poflible cafes where the concur- 
rence of the Irifh Parliament might be required 
to arrangements abfolutely deftrudtive of the in- 
terefls of Ireland — Suppofe an Englifh a& of 
Parliament reflrained the trade to the colonies, 
to particular articles, in which England flourifh- 
cd, and which Ireland dealt in little or nothing, 
Suppofe an Englifh a£t of parliament prohibited 
ail foreign trade in fhips of a defcription, in which 
defcription of fhips alone Ireland now carries 
on her trade. Many other cafes would occur to 
Gentlemen, if they will take the trouble of re- 
fle&ing upon the poflible operations of the fourth 
Propofition. This fyftem once adopted, Ireland 
without breach of faith, could not refufe to regis- 
ter the Englifh law into her ftatute-book ; and 
numerous inftances might occur hereafter, where 
the Parliament of that kingdom mull reft upon 
this defperate alternative — either to violate the 
faith of the nation, or to betray and facrifice its 
deareft interefts. This confideration, Mr. Fox 
faid, even independent of its infidioufly refuming 
a power, moft folemnly renounced, would per- 
fuade him to the reje&ion of the fourth Propor- 
tion i 



( 20 ) 

tion j and in this, as well as in a thoufand other 
points of view, he faw the whole of the pro- 
pofed plan, as the infallible fource of eternal dif» 
content, animofity, and ill blood between the 
two kingdoms— though we were captivated with 
flourishing and fanciful pictures of the harmony 
and concord that are to cement the filler nations, 
according to the Hon. Gentlemen's predictions. 

The Hon. Gentleman adoprs a mode of recom- 
mending the fourth Proportion, perfectly fuited 
to the capacity and turn of thofe who proclaim 
their confidence in him, as the principle that 
procures their fupport to a fyftem, of which they 
make no icruple to avow themfelves perfectly 
difcjualified from judging. But unlefs he thinks 
all the Members of this Houfe are blinded by the 
fame fcandalous ignorance ? unlefs he is weak 
enough to perfuade himfelf that the nation is pof- 
fefTed with the fame bigotted enthufiafm, anc] 
inveterate idolatry, for him, why will he venture 
upon fuch ipfulting nonfenfe ? The argument is ; 
< f As well might England complain of furrender- 
ing htr legiflative independence, becaufe fhe is 
bound by this treaty to fimilarity of trade an4 
navigation laws with Ireland. " Viz. that Eng^ 
land, who is to make the law, might as well com- 
plain as Ireland, who is to obey the law. This is 
the Hon. Gentleman's argument ; and let no one 
imagine th^t he employs fuch rank folly from 

want 



( at ) 

want of abilities. The Hon.Gentleman's abili- 
ties are very confiderable, and if the caufe ad- 
mitted a better defence, the Hon. Gentleman 
would certainly make it. 

When England agrees to be governed by trade 
laws, originating in the Irifh Parliament, the Hon, 
Gentleman's reafoning will be forcible; but with 
all the partiality of this Houfe for him, even be 
will not dare to give utterance to fuch a Propo- 
sition within thofe walls. Why he thinks the 
Irifh are more infenfible to the bleflings of their 
jconftitution than we are, I know not. 

Although the Hon. Gentleman charges upon 
me, that I have not heretofore oppofed this Pro- 
portion, he might well have recollected, that a 
jnoble Lord near him, (Lord Mahon) had at- 
tempted to ridicule me when this queftion was 
before under difcufiion, as being now an Englifh, 
Dow an Irifh patriot ; and to that ridicule, impo- 
tent and awkard though it fell, I beg leave to 
plead guilty. I wifh to appear what I really feel, 
both an Englilh and an Irifh patriot -, only let it be 
recolle&ed, that I am not fo now for the exigency 
of the moment. Let it be recollected, that if 
in defending the liberties of Ireland, and difco- 
vering a jealoufy for her Conftitution, I deferve 
She name of an Irifji Patriot, to that honour I 



a m 



( 22 ) 

am entitled fince the firfl; day of this Seflipns of 
Parliament, when I could not forefee the events 
of the prefent day, and long before I had heard 
that any commercial treaty with Ireland had ever 
been talked of. I embraced the firfl opportunity 
of the meeting of this Houfe, to publifh my ex. 
ecration of the conduct of the King's Miniftry in 
their proceedings in Ireland, where I faw the fun- 
damental and mofl facred principles of the con- 
flitution daringly overturned, and doctrines ad- 
vanced, and meafures adopted, in my judgment 
utterly fubverfive of every trace of civil liberty* 
and all this in the zeal of the Hon. Gentleman 
(for to him alone I look as the fource, or what is 
juft as bad, the patron of thefe proceedings) to 
fupprefs the Reform of Parliament in Ireland. 

Upon the opening of the propofed arrange- 
ments in this Houfe, I repeated the fame argu- 
ments, and convinced that Ireland never called 
for this fyftem, nor ever thought of it, but 
was ferioufly occupied with other objects; I 
added, that I confidered the whole plan as a lure 
to divert the Irifh from, conilitutional points, by 
throwing the trade of England at their feet; and 
to reconcile them to the violation of the laws of 
the land, and of the conftitution, by the enchant- 
ing profpect of the commercial benefits held out 

by 



( 23 ) 

by this fyftem. In this opinion I am ftrengthened 
every day, and the eager part acted by thofe who 
furround the Hon. Gentleman (MefTrs. Dundas 
and Jenkinfon) would confirm to me that my fears 
for the Irifh conftitution were not ill-founded, had 
this fourth propofition been to this hour with- 
held from England, as it has been ftudioufly con* 
ceakd from Ireland. If this conduct conflitutc 
an Irifh patriot, I am one — and if to ftruggle to 
fave the trade of England from annihilation, give 
any claim to the appellation of an Englifh patriot, 
to that appellation I poffefs that claim. I did 
not incite the merchants and manufacturers to an 
oppofition to this fcheme. If I were capable 
of making them inftruments in this bufinefs, 
they were incapable of becoming my inftruments. 
They did not follow me, but I followed them. 
To the Hon. Gentleman's government they were 
exceedingly partial j and not quite recovered from 
the infanity of the times, they were abfolutely 
prejudiced againil me and my friends. They are 
as difcerning and refpedtable a body of men as 
any in Europe, and merited, I think, better treat- 
ment than they experienced from the Hon. Gen- 
tleman. _ 

No man was ever more indebted to the protec- 
tion of the people than that Hon. Gentleman; and 

no people, I believe, ever fo foon began to repent 

of 



( H ) 

of their predile&ion. Every aft of his govern- 
ment has tended to open their eyes. They are, 
I believe, very completely cured of the popular 
infection, but I fear their conviction comes a little 
too late. 

I fhall now relinquifh this fubjedT:, perhaps for 
ever, with repeating a fentiment, that I have be- 
fore thrown out in the difcuflions upon this bufi- 
nefs. I will not barter English commerce for 
Irish slavery. — That is not the price I would 
$ a y> — n° r w This the thing I would pur chafe. 



FINIS. 



;ON THE 

DEBT OF THE NATION, 



COMPARED WITH 



ITS REVENUE; 



AND THE 

IMPOSSIBILITY OF CARRYING 
ON THE WAR 



WITHOUT 



PUBLIC OECONOMY, 



LONDON: 

Printed for J. Debrett (Succeflbr to Mr. Almon) 
oppgfite Burlington Houfe, Piccadilly. 



M.DCCiWSXXI. 



THE 



CONTENTS. 



Page 
INTRODUCTION. \ 

Chap. I. On the national debt. 13 

Chap. II. Of the annual revenues for the 
fupport of government, and the charge of col- 
lecting them. ~6 

Chap. III. Some obfervations on the com- 
miftoners reports, and on the expenditures for 
the civil lift. - - 

Chap. IV. Strictures on the navy and 
army expences, compared with their amount 
W the laft war. g 2 

Chap. V. Conclufion* [ 109 



ERRATA. 

Page 57, in the note, fecond line from the bottom j for 
$nd read 9. 
Page 59, line 9, fox peoples read public* 



INTRODUCTION. 



THE defign of thefe fheets is, to frame 
a clear and diftinct account of the 
different branches of the national revenues 
and refources* the modes of collecting or 
procuring them ; and the caufes on which 
the revenues depend for their increafe or 
decline ; and thereby enable the public to 
judge of the profpecl: there is for their con- 
tinuance at the prefent annual amount j un- 
der the circumflances in which the nation 
and its trade now {land. I {hall likewife make 
fome remarks on the mode of iffuine the re- 
venues from the public treafury, and on the 
expenditures for the navy and army i . So 
that individuals^ of whatever complexion, 
or wherever led by reflection, or prejudice 
in political opinions, may difcover the re- 
fources and condition of their country, and 
be able to determine, whether any real 
grounds exift to alarm us for our opulence 

B and, 



[ 2 ] 

and fafety . And if they do, from what errors 
and miftakes in our conduct, the dangers 
and diftrefles, which hang over us, have 
arofe. 

The exchequer of a great nation can ne- 
ver be conducted upon the fame narrow 
principles of ceconomy, whereby ihe trades- 
man neceflarily regulates his counter. But 
it fhould neverthelefs be remembered by 
thofe entrufted with the public purfe, that 
neither the fafety or protection of the em- 
pire, nor the dignity of the crown, or the 
fplendor of majefty, in the leaft depend on a 
carelefs profufion, a lavifh expenditure of 
the national wealth. 

The great executive officers of the ftate, 
who are appointed by the Sovereign, and 
removeable at his pleafure, being entrusted 
with the difpofition of the revenue for the 
feveral ufes of government, for the King's 
houfhold, and all the other branches of the 
civil lift, are the perfons refponfible to the 
people for the expenditure of the money 
belonging to the public, 

A fpecific fum having been granted to 
fupport the civil lift, the Parliament, I ap- 
prehend, would be considered as acting dif- 
refpeftfully towards their Sovereign, to ex- 
amine into, or in any wife interfere with 
the difpofal of that fum ; fo long as his Ma- 
jefty's fervants were attentive to make it 
provide for the fervices for which it was 

given. 



[ 3 1 

given. But if the money fhall be rendered 
infufficient to anfwer thefe ufes, either by 
neglect or inattention, or by being perverted 
to other purpofes, the civil lift expenditure 
then moft undoubtedly becomes an object 
of parliamentary enquiry. 

However, the collection of the whole of 
the revenue, and the expenditure of thofe 
fums granted for the navy and military eftab- 
Jifhments, and other charges of government, 
not included in the civil lift, thefe fhould be 
truly and clearly accounted for to the people, 
from year to year : for it has been the inva- 
riable practice of Parliament, to grant the 
money of their conftituents for expreffed 
purpofes, and to be applied to no other ufes 
whatever. To grant the people's money on 
any loofer terms, might be dangerous to a 
great degree : for if the ufe to which the mo- 
ney is to be applied fhall not be expreffed, 
how are the people to j udge if it fhall be wife 
to give ? or, after having given, how are they 
to learn if it has been faithfully applied ? 

No minifter has yet been fo wicked, and 
at the fame time bold enough to affert, he 
was not accountable, for the expenditure of 
the public purfe, to thofe who gave it. 
Therefore, whatever evafive reafons may be 
ufed at any time to delay the inveftigation 
of the national accounts, and to fatisfy the 
unfufpicious temper of the people ; the great 
executive fervants of the Crown can affign 

B z no 



£ 4 ] 

no juft fubftantial motives to exculpate their 
want of duty to the public, whenever they 
fhall have negleded to arrange their ac- 
counts with fufficient method and perfpi- 
cuity, to fliew plainly to the people, in the 
next feffion, if the money voted in the for- 
mer had been applied to the fpecific articles 
of expence for which it had been granted. 

The people granting money for particu- 
lar ufes; they had power to withhold, and 
afterwards to be denied an explanation of 
the expenditure, would be making a mere 
mockery of the rights of the fubjecl : be- 
caufe their money might, in fuch cafe, as 
eafily be applied by bad minifters in purfuit 
of falfe glory, or to undermine the conftitu- 
tion ; as, under wife and honeft minifters, 
to the protection and profperity of the em- 
pire, and the fecurity of the private rights 
of the fubject. 

Therefore a clear arrangement of the 
public accounts, as fhall fhew the expendi- 
ture of the revenues, fhould be annually laid 
before Parliament 5 that the Commons might 
be able to fatisfy the people, whether the 
grants of the preceding feffion had been 
faithfully applied to thole fpecific ufes, for 
which the monev had been afked and given. 

I muft here obferve, that fuch an account 

is the more neceflary, fince Minifters have 

fallen into a practice of running the nation 

}n debt by their own authority, without the 

2 warrant 



[ 5 3 

warrant of Parliament ; I mean, in thearti-r 
cles of he navy and army extraordinaries. 

Whereas the faithful application of the 
people's money, taking care to incur no debts 
but what they fhall legally be authorized to 
contract, can only juftify the fervants of the 
Crown, entrufted wirh the nation! purfe ; 
and there feems to lay the great constitu- 
tional ground, the Minifters of this country 
ought always to tread on. How then can 
thofe be juftified, who, after having re- 
peatedly framed eftimates for the fucceed- 
ing year, at the cloie of the former, fhall 
have been fp inattentive to the nature of 
the fervice, as to fuffer, as repeatedly, the 
amount of the eftimates, at the end of each 
refpective year, to have been feveral millions 
fhort of the actual expence ? This affertion, 
the extraordinaries for the army and navy- 
will confirm ; for they have been fwelled to 
an enormous amount in the prefent, far be- 
yond the fame unjuftifiable mode of proceed- 
ing in the former war. Such conduct on 
the part of the Minifters, is in fact running 
the public in debt without legal authority j 
making the cuftom of fixing bounds to votes 
of credit a ridiculous ceremony. 

The extraordinaries for the army, at leaft, 
were more excufeable in the former, than in 
the prefent war ; becaufe the difficulty of 
accounting, and of controul, became much 
greater from the Hanoverian chancery, and 

a foreign 



t 6 ] 

a foreign Commander in Chief, In Ger- 
many : neverthelefs, the unauthorized ex- 
pences, under the head of army extraordina- 
ries, have exceeded, in the prefent, thofe of 
the preceding war, beyond all comparifon. 
The navy extraordinaries have been fwelled 
in a great degree, to the prefent very ex ten- 
five and unprecedented amount, from no re- 
gular provilion having been made, through 
this war, for the army tranfport, and vie-* 
tualling fervices ; which, in the former, 
were regularly provided for in the votes, at 
the end of each year ; but during this, have 
lain involved in the navy debt : thereby 
throwing into the vortex of the navy (al- 
ways a favourite expence, becaufe fo efTen- 
tial to the public fafety) a charge that Mini- 
fters might perhaps wifh to leffen or conceal, 
for fear of alarming the nation by its amount. 
Annual eftimates, fo very inadequate to 
the expences fure to be incurred from fuch 
diftant warfare on land, can only arife ei- 
ther from ignorance or neglect in the official 
departments of government ; or elfe be done 
to prevent the public from being fenfible of 
the enormity of the expence, before they 
flood committed for the difcharge ; left 
reflection might have led the nation to re- 
pent too foon of their concurrence in a mea- 
fure, fure, if it failed, to reduce the ftrength, 
and be deftruclive of the commerce, of 
Great Britain, 

Without 



[ 7 ] 

Without the reprefentatives of the people 
£hall be made acquainted with the probable 
extent of the year's expence, how can Par- 
liament be enabled, from time to time, to 
judge if the purfuit deferves the charge 
likely to be incurred to fupport it ? which 
the power to withhold the fupplies^ gives 
them, in fad:, a decided right to deter- 
mine on. 

Hence it is evident, that if the repre- 
fentatives of the people mail permit fuch 
enormous debts, contracted in fo uncon- 
ftitutional a manner, to pafs unreproved ; 
and remain fatisfied with a fummary ac- 
count of the expenditure of the grants and 
extraordinaries of the former year, without 
calling for proofs or documents, to remove 
fiich doubts and mifapprehenfions as may be 
ftarted in the Houfe, by any of its Mem- 
bers ; but, on the contrary, rather negative 
the meafure that would tend to inform and 
elucidate : — I fay, if a majority of the Com- 
mons were to proceed, on any occafion, in 
this manner, mch majority muft be confi- 
dered as afting contrary to the duties of their 
truft, and furniih itrong grounds for fufpi- 
cion, that fome undue influence had ope- 
rated on their minds. Therefore, if the 
Commons mail at any time become fo fub- 
fervient to the Minifters, as to vote frefli 
fupplies, relying on the general affertion, 
unaccompanied with any clear, fatisfadtory 

accounts, 



t 8 ] 

accounts, that all the former grants were ex- 
pended, and ftill further debts contracted; 
the people would be fully juitified to call on 
their reprefentatives, to give them an ac- 
count of the expenditure of the former 
grants, and likewife of any extraordinary 
debts incurred without their confent or 
knowledge, before they voted frefh fup- 
plies. 

If, from corruption, or other improper 
motive, the reprefentatives of the people 
fhould be induced to treat fo juft and law- 
ful a requifition with contempt, the only 
remedy would then lay in a calm, but firm 
addrefs from the fuhject to the Sovereign, 
praying- his Majefty will gracioufly pleafe to 
diffolve an aiTembly, who fhall have violated 
their truft, and deceived both him and his 
people. 

I apprehend, by the laws and conftitution 
of this country, the executive power to be 
lodged folely in the Crown, and that neither 
the people or their reprefentatives have a 
voice in conducting it. And I apprehend 
alfo, that the refponfibility lays with thofe 
officers his Majefty fhall, in his wifdom, 
call to his councils, and entruft with the 
executive departments of the ftate. 

But, as no material operations can be car- 
ried into effect without fupplies of money ; 
and as thofe fupplies are free and voluntary 
gifts from the people, given through their 

reprefentatives/ 



[ 9 ] 

frepfefentatives, for the common benefit f 
the withholding fuch fupplies muft imme- 
diately flop any meafures of the executive 
power, that mould appear liable, in their 
confequences, to be hurtful to the nation. 
Therefore the particular purpofes are al- 
ways dated in the eftimates, and declared in 
the votes, for which money has from time 
to time been granted. 

Thefe circumflances furely make it in- 
cumbent on the Commons, to be in- 
formed, from their own enquiries and re«* 
fearches, whether the money has been faith* 
fully applied to the ufes for which it had 
been given. And it is like wife the duty 
of the Commons, to take care that no 
expences are ever incurred by the fervants 
of the Crown, to any confiderable amount, 
without their fan&ion having been firft ob- 
tained. 

If ever national ceconomy was necefTary, 
it muft be at fuch an alarming crifis as the 
prefent, when we are haitily defcending 
from our towering height ; not, as fome 
have argued, to fit down fife and contented 
in a narrower circle -, but to find ourfelves, 
in that narrower circle, encompaffed with 
numerous diftrefles, weighed down by a 
prefiure of debt, having our anceftors', as 
well as our own, to provide for, which for- 
mer mifmanagement has prevented from be- 

C hug 



f !• ] 

ing reduced; and our prefent folly and im- 
prudence is enlarging — at a time when 
our foreign commerce, and its carriage, 
the fources of all our wealth, are failing ; 
fources to which we owe that maritime 
ftrength, whereby we have long refitted the 
moft formidable combinations, and held the 
lead upon the ocean. However, under thefe, 
or worfe circumftances, that debt, let me 
remind the landholders, mull have fome 
faith and regard fhewn to it^ or our national 
credit will be gone for ever. 

My countrymen, we ought to remember, 
a period will arrive, when this great debt, 
if we continue thus to increafe it, can nc* 
longer be transferred to pofterity. And it 
behoves us to take care, that we are not the 
generation to receive the blow. 

In order to inveftigate, in a clear and 
■comprehenfive manner, the public revenue, 
its operations and effects, it becomes necef- 
fary to proceed with caution and candour 
to the enquiry : tracing the rife and pro- 
grefs of our great national debt, and the 
■fupplies referved, from time to time, for its 
iiitereft and reduction ; and what revenues 
have remained, and are likely to remain in 
future, for the exigencies of the ftate ; and 
on what refources thofe revenues depend. 
Searching likewife into the wafte, neglect, 
or mifmanagement that may prevail, either 

in 



[ » ] 

in the collection or expenditure of the pub- 
lic revenue ; what undue influence may be 
eradicated, which has gathered round the 
executive power, from time and accidental 
circumftances ; ariiing out of the vaft num- 
ber of dependents upon government, from 
appointments annexed to levies, debts, dijlri- 
butioits, and obfolete ejiablifhments : fo that 
every peribn may have fufficient materials to 
be enabled to draw conclusions, as to future 
confequences ; and to confider whether any 
material reform might take place, confiftent 
with the dignity and chara&er of a great na- 
tion. Thus circumftanced, with truth to 
guide men's judgments, they would feldom 
be found to differ in opinions. It is the 
artful perverfion of truth, that leads men to 
draw falfe concluiions ; and produces thofe 
various fentiments, formed according to the 
medium of error through which they have 
been drawn. 

The revenues arife out of cuftoms, and 
various articles of excife, with fundry in- 
land duties, all of which are made perpe- 
tual ; and likewife from the land-tax, and 
the excife on malt, which are voted only 
from year to year. 

The application of thefe revenues is to be 
found in the interefi paid on the public 
loans; in the difcharge of the civil lift ex- 
pences ; and of thofe incurred for the navy, 

C 2 the 



[ 12 ] 

the army, the ordnance, and their dependent 
branches; and in thofe contingent expences, 
conducted at the treafury board, under the 
heads of contracts and agencies of various 
kinds. 



CHAP, 



[ *3 3 



CHAP, h 

ON THE NATIONAL DEBT, 



I SHALL, in the firft place, take a review 
of the public debts, from their origin to 
the prefent day : which debts, for the re- 
duction of the capital, depend folely on the 
furplus of the revenues, or annual income, 
after the peace eftablimment mall have been 
provided for. 

The debt commenced in the reign of 
King William ; the annual income being in- 
efficient to fupport the expence of the wars 
in which the nation were then involved ; 
the Commons, therefore, to avoid oppreffive 
levies, borrowed from individuals the fum 
wanted to compleat the year's expences, be- 
yond what the annual taxes could lupply. 
In order to obtain thefe loans, the faith of 
Parliament became pledged for the intereft 
agreed on between the ftate and the lender; 
and certain duties, or taxes, were mortgaged 
for that purpofe. Thefe loans were made 
either irredeemable, with an intereft pro- 
portioned to the lives or term ; or elfe re- 
deemable, and the intereft not to ceafe till 
the principal was repaid 5 which repay- 
ment 



r 14 3 

ment was only at the option of the Iegifla- 
ture. The lender not having it in his 
power to reclaim his principal, constitutes 
the only difference between the public loans, 
and thofe made by individuals with each 
other. 

This fyflem of finance, or method of 
raifing extraordinary fupplies in time of war, 
has been invariably pradtifed, under the dif- 
ferent adminiftrations, (ince the clofe of the 
lad century; whenever more money has been 
wanted for the neceffities of the (late, than 
the annual amount of taxes would fupply. 
In the reign of George I. the Minifters and 
Parliament, alarmed at the growing extent 
of the national debt during the two former 
reigns, the better to provide for its future 
reduction, to (Irengthen public credit, and 
to fecure the confidence of monied men 
againft future emergencies, eftablifhed the 
(inking fund ; which fund was to con fid of 
the furpluffes ariiing from the duties or taxes 
mortgaged, from time to time, to pay the 
intereft on different loans -, therefore, when 
any furplus arofe from among thefe fpecific 
branches mortgaged, either by reduction of 
the intereft, the expiration of the term for 
which it was appropriated, or by an increafe 
of the branch of merchandize or confump- 
tion out of which the duty or tax originated; 
thefe feveral furpluffes were direfted by the 
legiilature to be thrown into one aggregate 

fund! 



C h 3 

fund, in order to be yearly applied towards 
the difcharge of the redeemable part of the 
debt -, when the exigencies of government 
did not make it neceffary for Parliament to 
appropriate the amount cf the finking fund 
to anfwer the current expence of the year. 

Both advantages and difadvantages will 
be found to refult from the prefent fyftem. 
of finance, viewed in a national light; that 
is, as it may operate, in any degree, to affecT: 
cither the commerce, or the conftitution of 
our country. 

By th~ Wantages arifing from this fyftem 
of finan c, the ftate has been enabled to pro- 
cure much larger fums within the year, in 
times of war, than could have been obtained, 
without great opprefiions on the people, 
through any tax, aid, or fubfidy; becaufe 
the intereft, which is all that is fettled by 
Parliament to be taken from the pocket of 
the fubjecl, is not more than a feventeenth 
or twentieth part cf the fum wanted for the 
national exigencies of the year ; which fum, 
by thefe means, is voluntarily lent by indi- 
viduals to the ftate, the faith of Parliament 
being only pledged for the intereft of the 
money borrowed. 

From the funds eftablifhed by thefe debts, 
an immediate intereft became at all times 

ainablc for the fuperfluous wealth of the 
Jdngdom ; whereby hoarding of money no 
longer prevails, even with the moft timid * 

and 



and the mifer is induced to bring his wealth 
into circulation, and, though ufelefs to 
himfelf, makes it of fervice to fociety, with- 
out ufury or extortion. 

The funds have furnifhed an eafy ex- 
change for property : the bank, eftablifhed 
Upon this fyftem, introduced the circulation 
of paper ; and, by the fafety and fecurity of 
its notes, procured by degrees a credit, 
which extended to every corner of the king- 
dom; affording thereby great affiftance to 
the inland trade, and to commerce in general; 
by the fubftitutes afforded for the barter and 
exchange of merchandize of all forts. 

The bank, whofe credit, from its fitua- 
tion and engagements, is involved in the 
credit of the ftate, will, I apprehend, pre- 
ferve the prefent confidence given to its pa- 
per, fo long as the national debt fhall be 
confined within proportional bounds to the 
influx of wealth, annually realized through 
our export trade. When any difficulties or 
embarrafTments arife with refpecl to the in- 
terest of the debt, the bank will in fome de- 
gree feel the blow. 

Government alfo have derived additional 
Strength and fecurity from this debt, by in- 
dividuals becoming more immediately inte- 
refted in its fupport. 

On the other hand, the difadvantages 
which have arofe from this fyftem of fi- 
nance, are confiderable, and call for much 
9 cam 



t 17 1 

care and attention on the part of our re- 
prefentatives, to prevent dangerous confe- 
quences arifing to the eonftitution. 

For the debt, created by this fyftem of 
finance, has furnifhed the executive power 
with that deftruclive weapon, mdirect in- 
fluence, through the appointments to offices 
of collection, and of the feveral arrange- 
ments for the management of that part of 
the revenue appropriated to pay the intereft 
of the debt ; of which the Minifter becomes 
the acting truftee, and the fole channel to 
favour and indulgence in the distribution of 
every new loan. This fyftem, in order to 
provide, from time to time, for the in- 
creafing debt, has created taxes, and burthens 
upon commerce, not 10 be removed or re- 
duced, without wounding the faith of Par- 
liament. It has accuftomed the nation to 
be lefs alarmed at the amount of the fum 
raifed within the year -, and confequently 
lefs concerned about the expenditure ; be- 
caufe the public, at the making of the bargain 
for a loan, feel only the weight of the inte- 
reft, which has frequently been not more 
than a twentieth part of the fum raifed ; 
fo that the burthen may, in great meafure, 
be faid to have been transferred from time 
to time to the fhoulders of pofterity. 

Thefe circumftances too have contributed 
to make the gentlemen of landed property 
more indifferent of the appropriation of the 

D finking 



[ i« ] 

finking fund, from year to year ; preferring 
the current expences, regardlefs either of 
the object or amount, to the reduction of 
the debt, if it faved a (hilling in the pound 
on the land-tax. Befides, the finking fund 
being once eftablifhed, the Minifter could 
more eafily obtain from Parliament the ap- 
plication of it to any favourite purpofe, 
without too clofe a fcrutiny into his views, 
than the attainment of an equal fum, for 
which no provifion had been made. 

Thefe are doubtlefs alarming circum- 
ftances, being liable to work much evil to 
the conftitution in the hands of bad Mini- 
flers ; having a natural tendency to feed cor- 
ruption. But, at the fame time, let us re- 
member, that thefe evils cannot operate to 
any dangerous extent, except through the 
fupinenefs and treachery of our representa- 
tives. And a diligent, virtuous exertion on 
the part of our prefent Houfe of Commons, 
might foon correct thofe mifchiefs, which 
any former Parliaments may have over- 
looked, connived at, or encouraged. 

At the end of King William's reign, the 
public debt amounted to rather more than 
lix millions and a half. Of this fum, fix 
hundred thoufand pounds and upwards had 
been borrowed in the reign of Charles II. 
The loans in William's reign were made at 
an intereft of eight or nine per cent, per 
annum, owing to the fcarcity of money; 

which 



[ i9 ] 

which arofe from the infancy of our foreign 
commerce, compared with its ftate about 
fifty or fixty years afterwards. For though 
the a6t of navigation, made in the reign of 
Charles II. fo well calculated to promote 
foreign commerce, was gathering ftrength, 
yet at that time our trade had been carried 
to no great extent. 

In December 1714, at the end of Queen 
Ana's reign, about thirteen years from the 
firft period, the national debt came to forty- 
eight millions and a half; and the intereft 
paid on it yearly came to two millions nine 
hundred and thirty-nine thoufand pounds. 
Of the forty-eight millions and a half, three 
millions eight hundred thoufand pounds 
were the debts of the former reigns ; forty- 
one millions and a half had been really bor- 
rowed in Queen Ann's reign ; and the re- 
mainder of the debt, amounting to three 
millions two hundred thoufand pounds, a- 
rofe from compound intereft on fome ex- 
chequer bills, converted into principal ; and 
a nominal capital of twenty-five per cent. 
engrafted on the actual loans of 171 1 and 
1714. 

Expenfive as Queen Ann's wars have been 
generally confidered, money was obtained at 
a lower intereft, than in the former reign. 
For commerce had brought an addition of 
wealth into the kingdom fince King Wil- 
liam's time ; and thereby extended circula- 

D 2 tion i 



[ 20 ] 

tion ,♦ which had likewife been affifled by 
the fecurity given to bank paper. 

In the years 171 9 and 1720, three mil- 
lions were added to that portion of the re- 
deemable debt, engrafted into the South-Sea 
Company^ fund, in return for the Com- 
pany's buying up a confiderable part of the 
irredeemable annuities, in order to make 
them redeemable; and by this addition to 
the capital, as it flood in December 1714, 
the amount of the debt came to fifty-one 
millions and a half. 

In the year 1727, at the clofe of George 
the Firft's reign, the capital of the debt 
amounted to * fifty millions feven hundred 
thoufand pounds ; in which were included 
fix millions two hundred thoufand pounds 
given in the terms of fome of the loans, be- 
ing a nominal capital, and to be paid only 
on redemption. The annual intereft, in- 
cluding the irredeemable annuities, came at 
this period to two millions three hundred 
and eighty thoufand pounds ; fo that, in 
the fpace of fifteen or fixteen years, the prin- 
cipal of the debt had been reduced near one 
million, and the annual intereft paid on 
it five hundred and fifty-eight thoufand 
pounds -f. 

In 

* Reckoning in the unfunded navy and victualling 
debts, to the amount of one million feven hundred and 
fhirty-feven thoufand pounds. 

f This reduction of intereft arofe from three thou- 
fand 



[ H ] 

In the year 1739, the debt owing by the 
ftate to individuals, amounted to * forty- five 
millions three hundred and thirty thoufand 
pounds, reckoning in the fix millions two 
hundred thoufand pounds of nominal capi- 
tal, mentioned to have been given in the 
terms of fome of the loans. And the inte- 
reft at the fame time came to one million 
nine hundred and fixty thoufand pounds. 

Hence it appears, that in the fpace of 
thirteen years from 1727, the principal of 
the debt became reduced near five millions 
and a half; and the annual intereft. + four 
hundred and twenty thoufand pounds. 

The year 1739 was juft before the com- 
mencement of the firft war in George the 
Second's reign. In four years from the 
clofe of that war, in December 1753, tae 

fand pounds life annuities fallen in ; from a confid^ra- 
ble part of the long and ftiort annuities b-ino n fe re- 
deemable, with an addition of three millions of > 4 tftal, 
in return for lowering the intereft paid on thr ah'riui- 
ties. The remainder of the five hundred and fif- /-eight 
thoufand pounds arofe from the fall of intereft, by the 
increafe of money in the kingdom. 

* Including the unprovided navy debt, to tn ; amount 
of one million three hundred thoufand pounds. 

f The reduction in the intereft paid on the national 
debt, in the courfe of thirteen years, arofe from be- 
tween three and four thoufand pounds life annuities 
having fell in ; from the payment of a part of the capi- 
tal ; and from the fall of intereft, by the increafe of 
money within the kingdom, 

nation*! 



[ 22 ] 

national debt amounted to * ieventy-three 
millions fix hundred and eighty thoufand 
pounds. Of this fum, fix millions two 
hundred thoufand pounds, mentioned in the 
former ftatements, and one million, added 
to the loans in 1747 and 1748, were nomi- 
nal capital. The intereft of this debt, at 
the end of 1753, came to two millions fix 
hundred and feventy thoufand pounds a year : 
and the ftatements in the margin mew, 
that in four years from the end of the war, 
the capital of the debt had been decreafed 
one million and a half; and the intereft fe- 

* Debt the end of 1753, — — £. 73,680,000 
Paid off from 1749 to 1753, ^ 4. per ) qqq 

cent. — — — J ' ' 

D°, at 3 per cent. — — - — 400,000 

Debt at the end of the war, — £. 75,280,000 

Intereft paid the end of 1753, — £.2,670,000 

Annuities fallen in fince 1739, — — 29,000 

Capital paid off, at 4 percent. — — 48,000 

D°, at 3 i per cent. ' — — — — 14,000 

£.2,761,000 
Deduct intereft 1739, — — 1,961,000 

Intereft increafed by the war, — £. 800,000 

Capital of the debt in 1749, — £. 75,280,000 
Capital of d° in 1739, — — 45*330,000 

Debt incurred by the war begun lr 

in 1740, — — J^ J * J 

10 vcnty 



[ n 1 

venty thoufand pounds a year. And they 
alfo fhew, that the war had added thirty 
millions, including a million of nominal 
capital, to the former de')t - y and that, from 
the reduction in the value of money, from 
the increafe of commerce, and a few life an- 
nuities falling in, the intereft became, at the 
end of the war, Increafed only eight hun- 
dred thoufand pounds beyond its amount in 

The great increafe of our export com- 
merce had brought fuch an influx of wealth 
into the kingdom by 1753, that the intereft 
paid on a debt of near * feventy-four mil- 
lions came to two hundred and fixty-nine 
thoufand pounds lefs, than the intereft paid, 
in 17 1 4, on a debt not quite fifty-one mil- 
lions fterling. And in which debt were 
included the annuities raifed by King Wil- 
liam, and the bankers' debt contracted by 
Charles II. 

At the end of 1763, after the clofe of the 
war, the national debt came to one hundred 
and thirty- feven millions -f ; being the a- 
mount of the redeemable capital ; the un- 
funded 

* Intereft paid in 17 14, pi £.2,939,000 
Intereft paid in 17^, — 2,670,000 

£. 269,000 



t Amount of the funded debt, December 1763, in- 
cluding the civil lift million, raifed in 1726, and the 
D 4 three 



[ 24 ] 

funded part of the debt, reckoned into the 
account. In this debt were included of 
nominal capital, feven millions two hun- 
dred thoufand pounds, granted prior to 
1753 ; and one million tw® hundred thou- 
fand pounds, given to the loans of 1759 and 
1760. 

The 

three million five hundred thoufand pounds raifed in 

1763. 

Principal. Intereft. 

Funded debt, — — ,£.125,081,000 4,042,000 

Debts contracted by the 
war, being for navy, 
victualling, and ord- 
nance bills, to Decem- 
ber 1762, and charged 
on the finking fund, - 35483,000 139,000 

Debts charged on the fur- 
plus of 1764, — — 1,800,000 — — 

Debts to be paid off or 

funded, left by the war, 6,857,000 — — 

The intereft eftimated, — — 163,000 

Irredeemable intereft, — — — 484,000 

Total, — — — £.137,221,000 4,828,000 
Charge of management, — — 77 5 ooo 

Amount of the public debts, funded and unfunded, at 

the end of 1754, the one 

million charged on fait 

duties excepted, which Principal. Intereft. 

will be cleared by 1757, £> 72,148,000 2,442,000 
Irredeemable annuities, — — 212,000 

Capital added the end of 

1763, by the war, — £.65,073,000 2,174,000 

Dedua 



[ ?5 1 

The annual intereft upon this debt of 
one hundred and thirty- feven millions, came 
to four millions eight hundred thoufand 
pounds, exclufive of the charge of manage- 
ment : fo that the war had increafed the 
public debts iixty-five millions ; near fixty- 
fbur millions of which had been borrowed 
of individuals. And the intereft the nation 
had annually to pay for this fum, amounted 
to two millions four hundred and feventy 
thoufand pounds. 

Confiderable funis of the money thus 
borrowed,, were fent out of the kingdom 
during the war, and expended in fupport of 
the army in Germany. The expence, how^ 
ever, was not thrown away, as the objects 
of the war had in great meafure been an- 

Principal, Intereft. 

Brought over, — £'65,073,000 2,174,00a 

Deduct the nominal capi- 
tal, added to the loans 
of 1759 and 1760, — 1,230,000 — — 

The money actually bor- £. 63,843*000 — — 

rowed of individuals to 

fupport the war. 
Irredeemable intereft, fubfiftirig in ^54, 

fince fallen in, — — — 8,000 

Intereft reduced in 1755 and 1757, — 291,006 

Being the amount of the intereft paid £. 2,473,000 
by the public-, in 1763, for the 
£• 63,870,000 borrowed to fupport 
the war. 

E fwered $ 



t *6 1 

fwered ; though perhaps they might have; 
been better fecured, had the peace been not 
fo haftily concluded. The objedts were — 
to increafe the nurfcries for feamen— to 
ftrengthen the navy— and improve the com- 
mercial interefts of our country. 

The increafe of our export trade, of tht 
vend of our manufactures, and the fur- 
ther encouragement given to the adt. of 
navigation, from the erTedts of that wcll-di- 
refted war, have contributed to draw fo 
much wealth into the kingdom, that, under 
all the additional debt incurred, govern^ 
ment were enabled, after the peace, tp 
fund at three per cent, what they could not 
difchargc. 

In proof of this aflertion, at Midfummcr 
1775, juft preceding the defection of the 
American colonies, the debt, which in 
1763 amounted to one hundred and thirty- 
feven * millions, had been reduced to one 
hundred and twenty -fix millions ; and 
wherein three millions of unfunded debt 
were included, confifting of navy and ex- 
chequer bills, part of which had been 
JfTucd to prepare for the prefent war. 

The intereft of the debt, the end of 1763, 

* Redeemable debts the end of 1763, £. 137,221,000 
D* -— — June 1775, 126,054,000 

Capital paid off, *— — £.11,167,000 

came 



t 27 ] 

came to four millions eight hundred and 
thirty thoufand * pounds ; and at Midfum- 
mer 1775, to four millions four hundred and 
forty thoufand pounds ; making a faving of 
three hundred and ninety thoufand pounds 
in the amount of interefl on the national 
debts. 

And I cannot omit obferving, that in the 
twelve years from 1763 to 1775, the peace 
eftablifhments, voted annually for the navy 
and army, were to a far higher amount 
than they had been in any former period 
of peace between England and the reft of 
Europe. For the fums voted in the fpace 
of twelve years, for the navy and army, ex- 

* Interefl the end of 1763, paid on the 

redeemable capital, — — £.4,344,00© 

Irredeemable interefl, — — 484,00a 

Total of interefl: paid in 1763, exclufive 

of the charge of management, — £, 4,828, oot 

Redeemable interefl paid June 1775, ^- £. 3 5 ^73»coo 
Irredeemable interefl, — — — 467,000 

Total of interefl paid, exclufive of the 

charge of management, — — £. 4,440,060 

The amount of the reduced interefl, £. 388,000 
arifingfrom feventeen thoufand pounds life annuities 
fallen in, and the difcharge of a part of the capital 
of the debt. 

In 1781 and 1782, a further faving of interefl, to the 
amount of two hundred and twelve thoufand pounds, 
takes place, by the reduction of four per cents, to 
three, 

E % ceeded 



[ 23 ] 

needed the peace eftablifhment for the fix 
years from 1749 to 1755, upon the general 
average for each year, rather more than one 
million a year ; which made an excefs for 
the eftablifhments, during the twelve years 
from 1763 to 1775, of fourteen millions *. 

And 



* Excefs in the navy expence for each year, £. 750,000 
Excefs in the army expence for each year, 420,000 

Increafed annual expence, — £. 1,170,000 

Equal, for the twelve years, to — £. 14,040,000 

I fhould be forry, if the outward difference in thefe 
flatements of the national debt, from thofe of Dr. 
Price, fhould be conftrued, upon a curfory view, as 
tending to contradict his reprefentations upon that 
head; becaufe I have no ground for any fuch ftep; 
befides, T wifh to acknowledge my obligations to the 
Doctor, and fome others, for the information received 
from their publications. The difference, in facl, 
arifes merely from the modes of arrangement, jn 
order to anfwer the different objects each may have 
had in view. The Doctor's principal object feems 
to have been, to mew the idle extravagance that had 
from time to time been praclifed, in raifing the pub- 
lic loans ; and which muft ever be the cafe, when 
a loan becomes engrafted into a fund confiderably 
below par : becaufe that plenty of money, which 
only can enable the Parliament to discharge the 
debt, lifting the fund to par, or near it, will often 
oblige the nation, befides paying an annual intereft for 
it till redeemed, to difcharge the loan of fixty or fe- 
venty pounds," with one hundred pounds : and when an 
irredeemable intereft or annuity has been annexed to a 
loan at the time of raifing it, fuch annuity becoming 

afterwards 



[ *9 1 

And unlefs the mips of war had be^n in 
better condition, and the warehoufes much 
fuller of naval ftores, than they were, when 
the prefent war broke out ; I mould con- 
ceive, the fourteen millions increafed ex- 
pence, for the peace eftablimment, in the 
twelve years, or the navy part at leaft, 
amounting to nine millions, would have 
been more ufefully beftowed, if the money 
had been applied to the further reduction 
of the public debts. 

However, for the nation to be able, 
during thofe twelve years, to provide for an 
increafed eftablimment, to fuch a large a- 
mount as fourteen millions ; and pay off be- 
fides, eleven millions of the debt incurred 



afterwards incorporated into a feparate fund, and bear- 
ing a price in the market, unconnected with the loan 
that produced it; in holding up to view the extrava- 
gance of the bargain, it is but fair and reafonable to 
ftate the value of the annuity, according to the price it 
bears in the market. 

Now, the object of the prefent ftatements is, limply 
to fhew — the fums actually raifed in different wars — the 
terms on which the money had been borrowed — and the 
reductions that have taken place in the debt, or its in- 
tereft, in the intervening periods of peace ; in order to 
difcover the progreilive fall or rife of intereft, in the 
courfe of the century. For this end, therefore, in the 
prefent itatements, the annuities have been thrown into 
the general mafs of intereft paid on the refpective loans 
to which they had originally been annexed ; marking 
only the periods when any of the annuities have 
fallen in. 

2 hy 



i 3° 1 

"by the war, are ftriking proofs of the wealth 
and folid advantages which had refulted, in 
thofe years of peace, from our commercial 
intercourfe with the four quarters of the 
world ; proofs too ftrong for any fophiftry 
to overturn. 

Thus flood the amount of the national 
debt, and of the intereft paid on it, at that 
unfortunate asra, deftined, in the future an- 
nals of our hiftory, to mark the period of 
our grandeur, jlrength, and opulence. A 
ftru&ure, which had been raifed on the ba- 
fis of induftry and commerce ; and to that 
ftructure, and our happy conftitution, we 
owed the extent and union of our empire : 
which a deliberate folecifm in politics firft 
disjointed, and an obftinate perfeverance has 
fince torn afunder. 

The higheft intereft paid in Queen Ann's 
wars, was for the money borrowed in 171 1 
and 171 2, which came to feven and a half 
fer cent, and the capital to be redeemed, 
with twenty-five per cent, addition ; but the 
grofs capital, however, running at fix per 
cent, was open to a reduction of intereft, as 
money funk in value. And in the two fol- 
lowing * years, money was borrowed for an 
intereft of five, and five and a half per cent. 
on the fums lent, with an addition of 
twenty-fix or twenty-feven per cent, to the 
capital, to be paid only on redemption. 

* 1713 and 1714. 

In 



[ 3* ] 

In the firft war of George the Second's 
reign, upwards of thirty years from Queen 
Ann's time, money was borrowed, in the 
year 174", on public fecurity, at four per 
cent, per annum, with a iingle life annuity 
of thirty millings upon every hundred 
pounds lent. 

In 1747 and 1748, the annual intereft to 
be paid on the money borrowed, came to 
four pounds eight millings per cent, on the 
fum fo lent, and to be redeemed with ten 
per cent, addition to the capital. 

In the year 1759, during the laft war, 
money was r<<ifed rather under three and 
a half per cent, intereft on the amount of 
the fum lent, which was to be redeemed 
with fifteen per cent, additional capital. 

In the year 1761, twelve millions were 
j-aifed at three per cent, with an annuity of 
one per cent, for ninety-nine years. And iti 
1762, twelve millions were borrowed for 
four per cent, intereft during nineteen years, 
then to be reduced to three per cent, and to 
have an annuity of one per cent, annexed for 
ninety-eight years. 

Whilft, in the prefent war, feven millions 
were raifed, in 1779, at fix and a half per 
cent, for twenty- nine years, then to be re- 
duced to three per cent. 

In 1780, twelve millions were borrowed 

at four^r cent, intereft, with an annuity of 

one pound fixteen millings and three pence for 

eighty years, on every hundred pounds lent. 

E4 And 



[ 32 ] 

Arid in the prefent year, 1^81, twelv e 
millions have been borrowed at an intereft 
of five and a half per cent, and not reduce- 
able more than a quarter per cent, without 
the redemption of the whole twelve mil-* 
lions, with feventy-five per cent, or nine 
millions additional capital. 

The money borrowed and funded lince 
the commencement of this unfortunate war, 
amounts to forty-four millions, with an ad- 
dition of nine millions, to be paid on re- 
demption ; making, fince the beginning of 
1776 *, an increafe to the common debt of 

* Amount of the funded Principal. Intereft. 

debt, June 1775, £• 122,954,000 4,368,000 

Money borrowed from 
1776 to 1781, bothin- 
cluflve, — — 44,000,000 2,012,000 

Annuities annexed to the 
loans, for ten, twenty- 
nine, and thirty years, -** — 420,000 

Nominal capital annexed 
to part of the forty- 
four millions, and to 
be paid on redemption, 9,150,000 — — 

£. 176,104,600 6,800,000 

Deduct reduction of intereft in 1781 and 
1782, on the loans of 1758, 1760, and 
1762, — — — — 212,000 

Total of debt and intereft, £. 176,104,000^.6,588,000 
Charge of management, about — £• 80,000 



fifty 



[ 33 1 

fifty-three millions ; and the intereft to be 
paid on it amounts to two millions four hun- 
dred and thirty thoufand pounds a year. 
But a very fmall part of this debt can be re- 
duced under five or fix and twenty years : 
and if we confider the terms of the loan of 
1 78 1, the intereft of which muft continue 
for ever at five and a quarter per cent, or the 
twelve millions be paid off with twenty- one 
millions fterling, we fhall find no money 
has been raifed befides, on more improvi- 
dent or higher terms, in the courfe of this 
century. But if to the forty-four millions 
already raifed in fupport of this ruinous war, 
fhall be added the unprovided debts, that, 
by the end of 1781, will be due for navy, 
tranfport, army, and ordnance fervices, the 
loans from the bank, and ,for exchequer 
bills ; the demands on Parliament, to dis- 
charge thefe feveral accounts, cannot be lefs 
than feven or eight and twenty millions, 
exclufive of the expences that fhall be in- 
curred in 1782. And, whether Parliament 
fhall fund it in the next feffion, or let the 
debts run on at intereft, and an increafing 
difcount, the burthen,- both of intereft and 
difcount, will equally fall on the fhoulders 
of the public -, therefore it may be fairly 
afferted, that, by the end of the prefent 
year, the money raifed, and to be raifed to 
defray the expence of this war (exclufive of 
any nominal capital) will amount to the 
F enormous 



{ 34 ] 

enormous fum of feventy-two millions ; 
which will exceed the fum borrowed in the 
courfe of the laft war, by fix or feven mil- 
lions. This additional debt will, at the 
loweft computation, require an annual inte- 
reft of three millions eight hundred thou- 
sand pounds to difcharge it. So that, with- 
out providing for the expences of 1782, the 
national debt will amount, including the 
nominal capital, to two hundred and three 
or four millions ; and require an annual in- 
terest to provide for it, of full eight millions 
ilerling. 

The intereft paid for the ufe of money, 
when the fecurity is good, forms the fureft 
criterion to judge of national wealth ; for 
though the terms of adjuftment may be ex- 
travagant to a degree, that are given by ti- 
mid financiers, in order to pufli the loan 
into the market, and fecure the firft ad- 
vance ; or by improvident Minifters, as 
douceurs to oblige the friends of govern- 
ment -, (till thefe temporary advantages, 
granted in the conditions of the loan, can- 
not affect the rate of intereft to be paid an- 
nually for the ufe of money borrowed. 
What I would from hence infer is, that 
the intereft, whatever may be its amount, 
will always find its natural level, by the 
proportionable rife or fall of the principal 
on which fuch intereft fhall be paid. 

Upon this ground, the following conclu- 
3 fion 



[ 35 I 

lion may be fairly drawn ; that, as the intereft 
of money, which, from the clofe of the laft 
war to the commencement of the prefent, was 
at three and three and a half per cent, is 
now raifed to upwards of five per cent, it is 
evident the national wealth has been re- 
duced, for want of its annual fupply; owing 
to the decline of our commerce, and the lit- 
tle employment for our merchant fhips, in 
the way of trade ; and likewife to the trea- 
fure, which, in the laft five or fix years, has 
been carried out of this country, by the ftate 
and individuals, to the enriching of our 
difaflfected colonies, and the impoverishing 
Great Britain. And furely it muft be a 
very great indifcretion or neglect, in thofe 
who direct our finances, to fuffer the fub- 
jects of a country, depending for its ex- 
iftence on commerce, to remain reftricted 
to a lower rate of intereft, than the legifla- 
ture confents to allow for money borrowed 
to fupport the expences of government. 



F 2 CHAP. 



E s^ 1 



CHAP, II. 

OF THE ANNUAL REVENUES FOR THE 
SUPPORT OF GOVERNMENT, AND THE 
CHARGE OF COLLECTING THEM. 



I SHALL now proceed to examine the 
feveral heads of the revenue, drawn 
yearly from the pocket of the fubjedt, ei- 
ther through our commerce or confump- 
tion : from whence the proviiions are made, 
for the civil lift eftablifhment — the intereft 
of the national debt and the fupplies for 
the fupport and protection of the empire : 
which lalt expences the regular revenue has 
been fufticient to difcharge in peace; and 
in time of war, the additional expence has 
been fupplied by loans railed on the credit 
of the annual taxes. 

The public revenues confift of many dif- 
tinft heads, fome of which comprize feveral 
different branches. 

The cuftoms, are certain rates or duties 
levied on the various articles of merchan- 
dize. 

The excife duties arife out of fundry 
commodities for home confumption merely; 
tfiking in fpirits of all kinds, as well im- 
ported, 






[ 37 1 

ported, as diftilled in England j beer, ale, 
cyder, &c. foap, candles, Jlarch, hides, tea, 
coffee, chocolate, retail licences, papers of forts, 
parchme?its, painted Jilks, gilt and Jilver wires, 
glajs, hops, and coaches ; with certain addi- 
tional articles, taxed fince the prefent war, 
as male-fervants and auctions. 

The otLer inland duties arife from the 
pojl-office, jalt ■, Jiamps (wherein the late tax on 
pojl-horfes is included) wine- licences, hawkers 
and pedlars, hackney-coaches, alienations, pen- 
Jions, houfes and windows. Befides thefe, 
there are feme cafual receipts from the 
duties on coinage and gum fenega ; from 
feizures and lotteries, American revenues, 
and from the crown rents $ together with 
the cuftoms and excifes in Scotland. The 
feveral heads here enumerated, conftitute 
the whole of the perpetual revenue, and are 
collected under the executive authority, 
without the neceflity of applying to Parlia- 
ment, from year to year, to ohtain them. 

The taxes gathered from moft of thefe 
articles, have increafed with our commerce 
and confumption : befides, all of them have, 
at different periods, had further duties laid 
on, as circumftances have aroie to admit of 
the addition. 

As new loans were wanted, new taxes 
have been adopted ; and they, in their turns, 
in like manner increafed. All thefe branches 
of the revenue were, at their firft eftablifh- 

ment, 



t 33 ] 

merit, appropriated, or mortgaged, either 
to pay. the expences of the civil lift, or 
to discharge the intereft on the national 
debt. And whatever Aims were afterwards 
found, at the end of the year, to remain, 
from any of thefe branches of revenue ; 
whether from the difcharge of any part of 
the debt, or other reduction of intereft; 
from its fall, or annuities dropping in ; or an 
increafe in the amount of the duties or taxes, 
from the increafe of our trade and con- 
fumption ; in any of thefe cafes, fuch fur- 
pluffes were to create the finking fund, and 
await the future difpofition of Parliament. 
And whenever that fund, or any part of k, 
was to be fpared from the current expences 
of the year, it has ufually been applied to- 
wards the reduction of the debt. The re- 
maining branches of the revenue, thofe not 
made perpetual, are the land and malt taxes, 
granted annually, and confequently can only 
be appropriated to the current expences of 
the year. Thefe, with the perpetual re- 
venues before enumerated, make the whole 
of the national income. 

The great object of enquiry into the na- 
ture and ftate of thefe collections, for the 
intereft of the people, is, to difcover whe- 
ther, from the changes which time and cir- 
cumftances have produced, any material fav- 
in<*s can be made, or undue influence re- 
moved, either in the modes of collecting or 

iffuing 






[ 39 3 

illuing the revenue, or in the expenditure of 
it afterwards, consistent with public 

DIGNITY, JUSTICE, AND GRATITUDE, 

The cuftoms are a principal branch of 
our revenue; and, arifing out of commerce, 
may be confidered as the fource and fupply 
of many other branches. For, commerce 
being the foundation of our wealth and 
profperity, our confumption, which can 
only make the excife productive, mud de- 
pend on the flourifhing condition of our 
trade; at leaft, to carry that confumption 
to any great extent, beyond the mere ne- 
ceiTaries of life. That part of the revenue 
arifing out of the trade, feems to be in a 
perplexed and complicated ftate, and flands 
in need of much reform ; for, though pro- 
ductive of but little more than half the ex- 
cife, the duties of the cuftoms are collected 
at a much greater expence. Upon an ave- 
rage of four or five years, juft preceding the 
difpute with our colonies, the charge for 
falaries and incidents at the cuftom-houfe 
came to two hundred and ninety thoufand 
pounds a year; and the net produce of 
cuftoms collected in England came, all ex- 
pences deducted, to two millions and a half 
a year, upon the average. The fees and 
perquifites of all denominations, taken from 
the merchant or trader, are eftimated at 
nearly the amount of the falaries and inci- 
dents : 



[ 4° J 

dents : fo that, for a net produce into the 
exchequer, from the duties levied on mer- 
chandize, to the amount of two millions 
and a half, the charge of bringing it thither 
cofts the nation betwen five and fix hundred 
thousand pounds ; or twenty per cent, on 
the net produce. 

One caufe of this great expence is, that 
as our commerce has increafed, and various 
articles grown more in demand, from the 
increafe of our wealth, the prices of the dif- 
ferent commodities have rifen ; and confe- 
quently, when the neceffities of the ftate 
have called for a further fupply, the Parlia- 
ment have taken advantage of thefe circum- 
fiances to increafe the duty, as far as the 
commodtty would bear. 

And the misfortune is, that almoft every 
addition of this kind continues to be fepa- 
rately levied; whereby many affortments 
of goods have five or fix, or more, feveral 
duties, aids, or fubfidies, to eftimaie and col- 
led: on. Thefe circumftances produce much 
unnecefTary expence to trade, from the ad- 
ditional officers and fees required to pro- 
mote difpatch -, they fetter and obftruct 
commerce, throwing the merchant entirely 
at the mercy of the collectors, and other 
officers of the cuftoms : the variety of 
tedious calculations becoming, by thefe. 
means, a fcience of long practice to com- 
prehend, 






[ 4i 1 

}>rehend, and of much charge to get dif-* 
patched. 

If thefe complicated levies were all re-* 
duced to one fimple charge on each affort- 
ment, or article, in the different entries, the 
numbers neceffary to afcertain, gather in, 
regifter, and difcharge, the duties on com- 
merce, would be very inconfiderable, when 
compared with the prefent numerous train* 
attendant and depending on the cuftom- 
houfe ; or rather, on the lords of the trea- 
fury; to which the commiffioners of the 
cuftoms feem only a fubordinate acting board, 
with little or no real controul over the num- 
berlefs officers in the department. Whereas 
the commiffioners of the cuftoms ought to 
be placed, for the general good, upon the 
fame footing with the excife, with power 
given them to nominate, change, prefer, or 
difmifs their fubordinate officers, according 
to their merits or demerits. But the fre- 
quent appeal to, or interference of, the 
treafury, which intereft and connection is 
continually making, renders the commif- 
fioners cyphers, or mere agents, on number- 
lefs occafions; at the fame time that the 
treafurv interference and controul contri- 
butes to releafe the commiffioners from re- 
fponfibility, the great incentive, among man- 
kind in general, to the faithful difcharge of 
their truft. 

There are feveral patent places in the 
G cuftom- 



[ 42 ] 

cuftoni-houfe, to a large amount ; the pro- 
fits of which places arife from fees, and are 
held as mere finecures, conducted by depu- 
ties, whofe principals never appear ; and 
who do not (fome of the principals at leaft) 
even know the bufinefs or nature of their 
offices. Thefe are circumftances, which 
call loudly for reform ; and, if entered into 
with that intent, might effect much real 
good to the nation ; particularly by Ampli- 
fying duties, and promoting thereby the dif- 
patch of bufinefs, and by relieving the bur- 
then on trade ; or elfe producing an addi- 
tion, to no lefs amount, in all probability, 
than two hundred thoufand pounds a year, 
into the treafury, without the affiftance of 
further taxes. And at the fame time con- 
tribute to leffen the influence of that power, 
which a former Parliament folemnly decided 
to have been increafed> to be increafing, and 
ought to be diminijhed. 

The excife is the moft productive of any 
branches of the revenue ; and is collected 
much nearer the expenditure, and conducted 
under wifer regulations, and a more (Econo- 
mical plan, than the cuftoms. The fees 
and perquifites are fewer than in the cuf- 
toms, and the falaries and incidents amount 
to three hundred thoufand pounds on about 
five millions, * malt included ; being rather 

* The malt, though given but from year to year, 
is under the direction of the excife. 

better 



t 43 3 

better than fix per cent, upon the grofs pro- 
duce. As additional taxes have been laid, 
from time to time, on moft articles of ex- 
cife, feveral of them want, for the national 
advantage, to be confolidated into one fimple 
tax. 

Of the inland duties, that of fait has 
ufually produced about two hundred and fe- 
venty thoufand pounds a year grofs, and has 
been collected for a little more than twenty- 
fix thoufand pounds a year, or barely ten 
per cent. The fiamps, prior to the lafr. in- 
creafe, laid in 1777, produced about four 
hundred and eighty thoufand pounds a year 
grofs, and were collected for about thirty- 
five thoufand pounds a year, or ievcn and a 
half per cent. Any of thefe articles, that 
have had additional imports laid on them, 
from time to time, which continue to be 
feparately collected, ought doubtlei's to be 
confolidated and reduced, wherever it can 
be done, to one fimple tax. The tax 
upon hawkers and pedlars amounts in the 
grofs to eight thoufand pounds a year, and 
is gathered at an expence of two thoufand 
eight hundred pounds. The grofs produce 
from the hackney-coach tax comes to thir- 
teen thoufand two hundred pounds, and 
cofts to collect it two thoufand one hundred 
and thirty pounds a year. 

The poft-office revenue has increafed very 

much fince the beginning of this century, 

G 2 and 



[ 44 1 

and brings to the public treafury, after all 
cxpences are paid, upwards of one hundred 
thoufand pounds a ye:r. The increafc or 
decreafc of this branch muft depend on the 
wealth of individuals, and the intercourfe 
and circulation from trade. 

The alienations, wine-licences, crown 
rents, duties on coinage, and gum fenega, 
with the four and a half per cent, duty on 
the Leeward Iflands, do not all top:ether a- 
mount to more than eighty or ninety thou- 
fand pounds a year, the outiide. Of thefe 
fix articles, five ftand in no need of reform : 
but that is not the cafe with the other; the - 
crown rents, or land revenues as they are 
termed, call for the immediate interference 
of Parliament. 

Thefe crown rents were relinquished to 
the public at the beginning of this reign, in 
consideration of Parliament fixing his Ma- 
jefty's civil lift at eight hundred thoufand 
pounds a year for life, freed from all un- 
certainties. And the rents being now a 
part of the national income, the executive 
officers of the crown are equally refpon- 
fible to the people for their production, 
and the care of them, as for any other taxes 
or collections. Therefore Parliament are 
bound, in duty to the people, to examine 
into, and correct, any wafte or abufes, 
which have crept into this particular branch 
of the revenue, either through connivance. 
ox neglect. 

The 



I 45 1 

The land revenues, or crown rents, ani 
leafed out under various grants or tenures, 
and to a number of individuals, at the an- 
nual fum of twelve thoufand {even hundred 
pounds, exclufive of the fines to be paid on 
renewal : they are parcelled out, in the dif- 
ferent counties of England and Wales, into 
fix hundred and forty- four allotments, con- 
iifling of manors, fmall parcels of lands, and 
tenements. By a valuation in the year 
175 1, thefe feveral allotments were efti- 
mated, according to the improved value, 
exclufive of fines, at the yearly rent of fixty- 
nine thoufand pounds, which makes an in- 
creafe of fifty-fix thoufand pounds a year or 
the prefent rents ; whilft both the rents, and 
fines on the renewal of leafes, never brought 
in, on an average for thirty-three years, 
from 1728 to 1760, to near the amount of 
die rental, 

Befides the feveral allotments enumerated > 
there are in North Wales fundry ancient 
revenues, of much the fame nature, fpread 
over the different counties, fet at three thou- 
fand one hundred and ninety-eight pounds 
a year ; confirming of four hundred and 
ninety-four allotments, fome of them under 
five millings : molt of them have been long 
neglected, and are become obfolete ; but 
open, in all likelihood, to revival, at a much 
higher rent, according to the increafed value 
of lands, 

5 At 



[ 46 ] 

Atprefent, this branch of revenue, called 
the crown rents, is ufelefs, or rather burthen- 
forne on the (gate; and feems to be kept up 
merely to fupport certain tituJar officers, 
under the appointment of the crown, and 
which anfwer no end or purpofe, but to 
itrengthen and promote its influence. 

The amount realized from thefe land 
rents, has been charged with fundry ftipends 
and penfions, for feveral years paft ; and the 
little that remained was generally iffued to 
the furveyor of the woods, to repair parks, 
lodges, &c. 

For the care and collection of thefe rents, 
the furveyor-general, and his inferior fur- 
veyors, the auditors and receivers, were 
eftablifhed, over the crown lands in Eng- 
land, and the principality of Wales. 

There is alfo an eftabiifhment belong- 
ing to the dutchy-court of Lancafter, con- 
fiding of forty regular officers ; whilfl the 
dutchy eftates, in point of public benefit, 
are in much the fame predicament with 
thofe before mentioned. 

Such kind of unprofitable eftablifhments 
rnuft have a tendency to create vexatious 
fuits, for the purpofe, at one time, perhaps, 
of private gain ; and at another, to intiim> 
date or perplex. Therefore, it would create 
a confiderable faving to the nation, and de- 
ftroy much improper influence, to fell thefe 
feveral tenures outright, and aboiifh the 

different 



[ 47 1 

•different offices belonging to all thefe ufelefs 
branches of revenue ; offices which neither 
convey utility to the ftate, nor dignity to the 
crown ; and the abolition can be oppofed 
only by weak, unpopular minifTers, as it 
would deprive them of one of the engines 
of their fecurity and defence. 

To hold under thefe tenures, muft be an 
injury to improvements, as the rents are 
liable, at the expiration of every leafe, to be 
raifed to their full value. So that the per- 
fons, who hold under the grants, w r ould 
certainly be glad to purchafe from the pub- 
lic the fee-fimple, at the higheft value that 
could in reafon and juftice be fet on them; 
to be freed from any future demands of fees 
and fines, and from all vexatious fuits : and 
there can be no doubt, but the nation might 
obtain, from the fale oi thefe eftates, a very 
coniiderable fum of money. 

But to return to the remaining branches 
of the revenue : the * fixpenny and milling 
taxes on peniions and office places, produce 
about «f* one hundred and forty thoufand 
pounds, and are collected at the expence of 
two or three thoufand pounds, a year J. 

* No place arifing either out offees,faIary, ox pen* 
Jloriy is ratedj that is under fifty pounds a year ; yet 
that tax is gathered, on one million eight hundred and 
thirty thoufand pounds, 

f Thefe taxes had better, furely, be abolifhed, by 3, 
reduction of the falaries they arife out of. 

% The receivers, befides, hold back (even or eight 
thoufand pound§ in their hands, from time to time. 

The 



[ 43 ] 

The houfe and window tax, prior to the* 
prefent war, came to three hundred and 
eighty thoufand pounds : the charge of col- 
lection is five pence in the pound, allowed 
among the collectors, and the receivers-ge- 
neral of the land tax; befides the falaries 
to the commiffioners, and the furveyors be- 
longing to the land office. 

The tax on the land varies from two, to 
three, or four {hillings in the pound, as the 
exigencies of the government fhall require. 
Four fhillings in the pound is the higheft 
rate that has ever yet been laid ; and when at 
that rate, the land tax is granted for two 
millions fterling. The charge of collecting 
the land tax, at four fhillings in the pound, 
with the houfes and window taxes *, amount- 
ed, before the laft houfe tax, to about fixty- 
three thoufand pounds, with a reduction of 
about nine thoufand pounds from the above 
charge, for every fhilling in the pound the 
land tax fhall be lowered. 

In 1778, upon the new tax made on 
houfes, ieven additional officers were ap- 
pointed, under the commiffioners ; and the 
falaries of a hundred and fifty-four furveyors 
increafed twenty-five pounds a year, or fifty 
fer cent, beyond their former amount ; 

* Land tax, — — £.-2,000,000 
Houfes and windows, — 385,000 

£.2,385,000 ^ 

which! 



[ 49 1 

which, with the five pence in the pound to 
the receivers and collectors for the counties 
and diftricts, will make an addition to the 
above charge of twelve thoufand pounds a 
year. The land, houfe, and window taxes, 
before the laft new tax, were collected (the 
land at four fhillings) under three per cent. ; 
whilft the new houfe tax, though gathered 
by the fame collectors, and with fcarce any 
additional trouble, is to incur an expence of 
four and a half per cent, on the fum to be 
collected, adding between five and fix thou- 
fand pounds a year to the falaries of the fame 
furveyors, who, till 1778, had made the pa- 
rochial furveys of the land and windows 
for between thirteen and fourteen thoufand 
pounds a year; whilft the charge of furveys, 
iince this new tax, will now amount to 
nineteen thoufand pounds a year. 

The carnal fupplies arifing from a lottery, 
and feizures, have latterly come to about 
two hundred and thirty thoufand pounds a 
year. There arc alfo the cuftoms and excife 
in Scotland, with fome inland, duties there, 
to no very confiderable amount. The grofs 
produce of thefe articles do not all together 
exceed three hundred and forty thoufand 
pounds a year ; and the cuftoms and excife 
in Scotland amount to no more than two 
hundred and fixty thoufand pounds a year, 
including expence of collecting; the charges 
and incidents for which collections come to 

H ninety 



[ So } 

ninety thoufand pounds, or thirty per cent. 
on the grofs produce ; whilft only part of 
the remaining produce comes to England, 
the reft being expended in that country 

I have now taken a view of our collec- 
tions, or national income, down to 1775, 
when this rupture broke out between Eng^ 
land and her colonies. 

Since the year 1776, the following addic- 
tions * have been made to the national in^- 
come, to furnifh interefl for the loans of the 
laft five years : — Cuftoms on goods charged 
before with duties, eight hundred and ninety 
thoufand pounds ; increafe on the articles 
already excifed, eight hundred and forty- 
fix thoufand pounds ; additional duties on 
houfes, ftamps, and fait, four hundred and 
nine thoufand pounds -, and on new articles, 



f New articles taxed : 
Auctions, — 
Male-fervants, 
j?oft-horfes, — 


100,000 

— 164,000 




£. 301,000 


Did taxes increafed : 

Cu Horns, — 
Excifes, — 
Houfes, — 
Stamps, — 
Salt, — 
Hew articles taxed. 


— £.892,000 

— 846,000 

— 264,000 

— 76,000 

— 69,000 
i 301,000 




£. 2,448,000 



never 



[ 5* 1 

never taxed before, three hundred and one 
thoufand pounds ; making together an ad- 
dition to the former taxes or collections of 
two millions four hundred and forty-eight- 
thoufand pounds. 

I lhall now proceed to draw into one 
point of view, the whole that is collected 
officially from the pocket of the fubjec\ 
every year. 



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Thefe 



[ 53 1 

Thefe articles *, upon examination, will 
be found about equal to the above amount; 
for the taxes on land and malt, clear of the 
charges of collection, were barely two mil- 
lions and a half; and the finking fund, or 
unappropriated furpluffes arifing out of the 
perpetual branches of the revenue, came to, 
for the year 1775, two millions nine hun- 
dred thoufand pounds.— Thus the revenue, 
after providing for the interest of the debt, 
and the civil lift eftablimment, left a re- 
mainder for the fervices of the ftate of up- 
wards of five millions, the land-tax at four 
millings in the pound; and of four mil- 
lions, with the land-tax at only two mil- 
lings. — In 1779 and 1780, the linking 
fund was rather higher than in 1775* 
amounting to three millions in each of 
thofe years. But this increafe arofe merely 
from an increafe in our confumption, no 
part of it from foreign commerce ; for the 
cuftoms were decreafed lince the war in 
their net produce, although additional du- 

* Net produce of the finking fund in 

1775 — ' 2,900,000 

Land and malt taxes, the land at 4 s. — 2,500,00a 

£.5,400,000 

Net amount of bcottilh taxes, unappro- 
priated, about — — — 230,000 

A part of which never come to — 

England. £'5*630,000 

ties 



C 54 ] 

ties had been laid on articles of trade. 
Therefore it is fair and reafonable to infer, 
that the great confumption, which made 
the taxes more productive, was promoted 
and fupplied by the circulation and expen- 
diture occalioned by the war. 

If to the grofs revenue in 
1775, amounting to — — 11,900,000 

Shall be added the taxes created 
fince the war, of — — 2,448,000 

The money borrowed in this 
year, making — — 12,000,000 

And the fums lent by the Bank, v 
and given by the Eaft India 
Company, amounting to — 2,400,000 



Thefe feveral fums, amounting 

to — — — £.28,748,000 

mew the avowed expence of the year 1781 : 
but what the expences of this year (hall 
exceed the eight or nine-and-twenty mil- 
lions, will depend on how much the debts 
for the navy, army, and ordnance are in- 
creafed, at the end of 1781, beyond their 
amount at the end of 1780. — Thus much 
for the collection of the revenue, and ad- 
ditional aids; but the expenditure of twenty- 
nine millions fterling, within the compafs 
of a year, opens a far wider field for en- 
quiry and reform. 

CHAP. 



[ 55 ] 



CHAP- III. 

SOME OBSERVATIONS ON THE COMMIS- 
SIONERS REPORTS, AND ON THE EX- 
PENDITURES FOR THE CIVIL LIST* 



IT was the expenditure of the money, 
that more particularly awakened the 
alarms of the people, and drew forth the 
petitions from the counties. Petitions the 
people were fully juftified in fending up to 
their reprefentatives; but which would pro- 
bably have carried greater weight with 
them, if they had meddled lefs with fpe- 
culative points, though they feemed to 
require reformation ; being fubjecls, wifer 
and fafer to bring forward for parliamentary 
difcuffion, in times of peace. Therefore it 
might have been better, if the petitions of 
the people had been confined to the conduct 
of the Commons, and the appropriation, 
by the fervants of the Crown, of the free 
grants from the pockets of the fubjects. 
Here, I rather apprehend, lay the extent 
of the people's title to any interference with 
the executive power; here bounded their 
authority, and their more immediate right 
to queilion, through their reprefentatives, 

H 4 the 



[ 56 3 

the Conduct of minifters : an authority fuf- 
ficient to anfwer every wife and falutary 
purpofe; and, when firmly and temperately 
exerted, will never fail bringing to light 
material acts of corruption, if fuch mall 
have been practifed, or any mifapplication 
whatever of the public money ; which be- 
comes highly criminal, whenever it is ap- 
plied to purpofes different from thofe for 
which it had been fpecifically given. 

I bend with reverence and refpecl before 
the great executive authority of^my coun- 
try ; and wifh fincerely never to fee any of 
its inherent rights invaded or circumfcribed 
in the fmalleft degree. But the Crown, in 
whom that power concenters, delegating to 
the great officers of the ftate, the refpon- 
fibility annexed to all executive acts, and to 
iffues of money from their refpective de- 
partments ; thoife officers are by the confti- 
tution to anfwer to their country for their 
advice or their conduct, at the rifle of theif 
lives ; whenever arraigned by a charge from 
their Prince, or impeached by Parliament. 

And thefe great officers of government are 
bound in duty to account to the people for 
the application of the money granted by 
Parliament, fo far as to plainly ihew the 
money had been carefully collected, and 
faithfully applied to the ufes alone for which 
it had been granted. This is what the peo- 
ple are entitled to know, and is all they have a 

5 ri S ht > 



I 57 ] 

right, I conceive, to demand of their re-* 
preventatives ; and which Parliament ought 
iurely to lay before the public, without 
being called upon fo to do. — But how did 
the laft Parliament adl in this refpecl ? In 
the Upper Houfe, a motion was made by a 
noble Lord for a commiffion of accounts, 
upon the foundeft principles of reafon and 
juftice; yet that motion was over-ruled; 
and fo was another in the Lower Houfe, of 
a fimilar kind: both flriclly conformable to 
former precedents*. 

In the laft Parliament, the Commons, 
roufed by the loud and ferious calls of 
the public for a redrefs of grievances, and 
an examination into the ftate and expendi- 
ture of the public revenue ; voted, that 
the influence of the Crown had paffed its 
proper bounds, and ought to be reftrained; 
yet that fame Parliament afterwards rejected 
every attempt to check and reduce the un- 
due influence exercifed by the fervants of 
the Crown ; throwing out every fubfequent 
motion that tended to lay open the chan- 
nels of corruption, if any fuch there were. 

What indignation muft the people en- 
tertain towards their former reprefentatives, 
who were unable to explain to them what 

* Vide inquiries made, by com mi Alone rs, who were 
members of parliament, or by particular Committees, 
appointed to examine into fuecific heads of expence, in 
the years 1691, and 3 ; 98; 1703, fi, 13, and 18 > 
i?/28 5 1741, 43, 40, 58 ; and 1761, 62, and 63. 

I duty 



[ 5§ J 

duty required at their hands unafked ! At 
the fame time, a majority of thofe very re- 
prefen tatives were fo infatuated, as to nega- 
tive every motion leading to an explana- 
tion of the public accounts; thereby re- 
fufing to examine themfelves, or even to 
fuffer any members of the Commons to 
proceed to an official enquiry, though 
many very refpectable independent cha- 
racters had expreffed a defire to that end, 
as well in diicharge of their duty, as in 
compliance with the voice of the people. 
However, fome of the leading members of 
the laft Parliament, apprehenfive left too 
evident contempt for the juft and rea- 
fonable requisitions from the people, con- 
tained in the county petitions, might make 
the national appeal in the end too ferious 
for them to withftand, did, from fome fuch 
motive, bring forward the appearance of an 
enquiry into the national revenues and ex- 
penses, and thereby produced a Commiffion 
of Accounts ' y which was, by a majority 
of the Houfe, transferred, without pre- 
cedent, to men who were not reprefenta- 
tives of the people; or in anywife refpon- 
fible to them for their conduct j and over 
whom the Parliament, nor any committee 
of its members, had power given them to 
direct or promote any particular line of 
inquiry in the progrefs of the bufinefs, fur- 
ther 



I 59 ) 

ther than the loofe and general terms of 
the commiffion extended. 

However, this femblance towards an in- 
veftigation of the public accounts, an honeft 
unfufpecting people readily confided in, as 
intended to correct and reform the errors 
and abufes crept in by time, and a change 
of circumstances, into the collection and ex- 
penditure of the people's money. 

It rnuft, upon "reflection, carry with it an 
awkward appearance, and furniih ground 
for unfavourable fufpicions, to fee this com- 
mittee of perfons out of Parliament, brought 
forward by thofe whofe conduct, with re- 
fpect to the finances, they are to examine 
and report on, as well as the errors and 
miftakes which time had introduced. 

The lad Parliament furely were wanting 
in duty to the people they reprefented, to 
be ignorant of the expenditure of the pub- 
lic money; and, when called upon for a 
iatisfactory explanation, to confign the en- 
quiry to men who were not members of 
the legiflature. 

The proportion ought to have been re- 
jected by the former Houfe of Commons 
with difdain, that attempted to appoint fucli 
a commifnon, fo difgraceful to themfelves, 
and which will be con/idered in the world, 
as a ftriking testimony of their indolence, 
or contempt for their confdtuents ; or that 
fome undue influence had operated on their. 
I 2 minds, 



[ 60 ] 

minds, to prevent that effectual reform, 
which the fame commiflioners, in a dif- 
ferent fituation, as members of the Houfe, 
would have produced. 

The commiffion is doubtlefs extenfive in 
theory, as it goes to the collection and ex- 
penditure of the public revenue in general. 
It impowers the commiflioners to examine 
Upon oath all the few ants of the Crown, civil, 
and military, and naval, with refpecl to the 
c olle 51 ion and expenditure, through their fever al 
offices. It authorizes them to fcarch into any 
corrupt and fraudulent practices, or other • jnif- 
condutl committed within any of the refpeftive 
departments ; and JJ:all from time to time report 
their proceedings, as foon as pofjible after their 
determination on them. They J): a 11 likewife 
report an exac~l Jlate of the fees or gratuities 
paid or given in collecting, iffuing, expending, 
and accounting for fitch public monies, and the 
authority under which fuch fees or gratuities 
are paid or received, and what defects they 
may obferve in the pre/hit mode of contracting 
for public fervices, &c. And they are to re- 
port what in their judgment pall appear jit 
'and expedient to be efiablifhed, in order that 
the monies granted, raifed, and appropriated 
for the public fervice, may hereafter be re~ 
'ceived, iffued, expended, and accounted for, in 
the manner the mojl expeditious, effectual, be- 
fieficial, and advantageous to/ the public. 

This 



[ 6i ] 

This was a talk the reprefentatives of the 
people in the laft parliament, could by no 
means be juftified in affigning to men who 
were not members of their own body ; for 
it is they who are accountable to the people 
for the grants and application of their mo- 
ney, and which in conscience they are bound 
to deliberate on and attend to with care. And 
it is thofe reprefentatives only, who are com-* 
petent to judge and decide of any alterations 
or amendments which time and circum- 
ftances may have made neceflary : but how 
can they be competent to decide, without 
going into the enquiry ? 

Are not the grounds of complaint, that 
too great profufion prevails in the expendi- 
ture, and too much wafte and remifihefs in 
collecting of the public revenues ? Were 
not the petitions from the counties, the 
motion of a noble Earl in the Upper, and of 
an honourable Member in the Lower Houfe, 
all founded on thefe ideas ? Do they not go 
to reflections on the fervants of the Crown; 
who feemed to evade any examination before 
the legiflative bodies, where they only could 
be juftified ; and then exerted their influ- 
ence for a committee out of the Houfe, 
with loofe and undefined authority, who 
were to examine into errors and abufes com- 
mitted under the controul of the minifters, 
and in fome of their refpe<5tive depart- 
ments, 

I x Can 



C 62 ] 

Can any thing be more derogatory to the 
dignity of the people's reprefentatives, and 
the duties of their truii, or more humili^ 
ating in their fituation, than for the laft 
Parliament to have fuffe-ed fach a commif- 
fion to pafs into the hands of men not mem- 
bers o r their body ? 

The committee are doubtlefs refpectable 
characters; but, not being members of either 
Houfe of Parliament, how are they to pro- 
ceed in their enquiry, without the affiftance 
of the executive officers, whofe conduct they 
are to examine into ; and who muft, if they 
chufe fo to do, have it in their power to re- 
tard or miflead them in their progrefs ? 
All former commiffions were given to mem- 
bers of the Parliament ; and every fpecinc 
object of their refeai ches exprefsly declared 
in the votes of the Houfe ; as the commif- 
fioners appointed at different times, from 
king William's reign down to George the 
third, will Ihew. 

Therefore it is curious to obferve, that 
the prefent commiffioners are directed to 
examine into errors, miftakes, and frauds in 
the collection and expenditure of the reve- 
nue, without any paths marked out to guide 
them through the labyrinth, in this vaft 
field for inquiry ; and which is fo very con- 
trary to the inftructions given to former 
commiffioners of accounts - y to whom ob- 
jects of great magnitude were in the 

cleared 



[ 63 ] 

cleareft and moft pointed manner marked 
out, relative to the army and navy, fpeci- 
fying the feparate articles of the navy to 
be fearched into : whilft, in the prefent 
commiiiion, no other object is pointed out 
particularly, but the balances remaining in 
the hands of the feveral receivers, treafurers, 
and paymajiers ; an object extending to no 
neglect or abufe, but what the executive 
authority has power to alter and correct. 

Before I proceed to make any comments 
of my own on the public expenditure, 
fimilar to thofe on the collection, I (hall 
take a review of the reports, to fee if any 
effential difcoveries have been made, or 
fteps taken, that may work any uieful re- 
form, either in the collection or the ex- 
penditure of the revenues, or in the attain- 
ment and difburfements of the loans. 

The firft report relates to the balances 
in the hands of the receivers general of the 
taxes on land, windows, and houfes. The 
arrears owing thereon, the 14th of July 
1780, up to the preceding Lady- day, came 
to three hundred and ninety-nine thoufand 
pounds ; and the balances laying in the re- 
ceivers hands, in July and Auguft 1780, 
including the new taxes on fervants and 
inhabited houfes, amounted to fix hundred 
and fifty-feven thoufand pounds. The grofs 
amount of thefe taxes, when the land is at 

four 



[ 64 ] 

four Shillings, comes to upwards of * two 
millions feven hundred thoufand pounds : 
fo that fix hundred and fifty-feven thoufand 
pounds were not more than equal to a quar- 
ter's collection on the counties of England 
and Wales : at the fame time that the ba- 
lance in the hands of the receiver for Scot- 
land exceeded a year's tax. 

Befides the fum of fix hundred and fifty- 
feven thoufand pounds in the hands of the 
receivers general, in July and Auguft 1780; 
there were arrears to the amount of one 
hundred thoufand pounds, owing on the 
land tax and window duties, between the 
years 1755 and 1777; and why thofe ar- 
rears have been fuffered to remain fo long 
un fettled, the lords of the treafury can beft 
inform the public. 

I do not mean to infer, that fix hundred 
and fifty-feven thoufand pounds, were not 
a larger balance, than ought to remain with 
the tax-gatherers ; but I mean to afTert* 
there could be no neceffity for a commif- 
fion of accounts, either to difcover the 
amount, or correct the abufe : for the re- 

* Land Tax — — £. 2,000,000 

Houfes and Windows — 385,000 

Inhabited Houfes Tax — 26.4,000 

Servants Tax — — 130, coo 

i' ■- « - ■ 

2,749,000 
jo gulations 



[ 65 ] 

gulations eftablifhed by Parliament are fuf- 
ficient to bring thofe taxes as expeditioufly, 
into the Exchequer, and on as eafy terms, 
as any collections under the excife. The 
receivers general have only to call on the 
collectors of the divifions, who are obliged 
to pay in at fixed times, to their order; and 
the fpeedy and effectual means of forcing 
the money for thefe taxes, when they be- 
come due, from the pockets of the fub- 
jecls, are too well known for any to 'con- 
tend, when peremptorily demanded by the 
collector. Therefore I -doubt not but a 
difcerning public will readily agree, that 
the treafury-board alone are to blame, if 
thefe taxes are not as regularly remitted to 
the exchequer as any branch of excife. 

The receivers general, who talk of their 
falaries as inadequate to their trouble, may 
depend upon it, that men of probity and 
property will never be wanting, who can 
bring fufhcient fecurity, and will readily 
accept the office for fixteen (hillings and 
eight pence per cent. 

The receiver general for Scotland appears 
to confider the ufe of the public money in 
his hands as the only advantage he has for 
executing the office, and does not look upon 
the large balance as more than a reafonable 
equivalent for the trouble and expence of 
.executing it. However, as the land tax 
raifed in Scotland was fettled to be paid into 

K the 



[ 66 ] 

the exchequer, clear of all deductions, I 
fhould apprehend it remained with his 
countrymen to pay him for his trouble ; 
and their neglect to to do, could give him 
no claim on England, or juftify him in 
keeping the money for any time, for his 
private emolument. Neverthelefs, it muft 
be readily acknowledged, that he ought to 
have an equal reward, proportioned to the 
amount of his collection, with any other 
of the receivers general. 

The fecond report contains remarks on 
the balances in the receivers hands, who 
conduct the other branches of the revenue, 
all of which they apprehend are paid up 
properly, the poft-office excepted ; which, 
from the increafe in that branch of revenue, 
would admit of a larger weekly payment 
into the exchequer, than fcvcn hundred 
pounds, the fum fettled in queen Anne's 
reign, and appropriated for a particular 
purpofej the remainder being at prefent 
only paid quarterly. But furely thcfe cir- 
cumftances can never require the interfe- 
rence of Parliament, and the affiftance of a 
fpecial commiffion, to alter and correcl:. 

The fecond report remarks alfo, that the 
eafy duty annexed to the commiffioners of 
the taxes on land, ftamps, fait, hawkers and 
pedlars, and hackney-coaches, furnifhes a 
ftrong prefumption, that upon inquiry a 
confolidation might be made of fome of 

thefe 



r 6 7 1 

thefe offices, beneficial to the public 4 , they 
being at prefent under five feparate boards . 
Two of the boards meet three times in a 
week, one of them twice, and the other 
two only once a w r eek. It is true, as thefe 
boards had been eftablifhed by Parliament, 
it was necefTary for Parliament to decide on 
the abolition, or alteration, that may take 
place concerning them 3 but the extent of 
their duty, and the time that duty took up, 
muft have been long known to the trea- 
fury ; and it was in their power to have 
propofed to the Commons fuch favings, as 
might refult from throwing more of thefe 
taxes into the hands of one fet of commif- 
fioners ; at lead: a fpecial commiffion could 
not be wanted for this trifling reform. 

The third report goes to an examination 
into the ftate of the balances which ufually 
lay in the hands of the treafurer of the navy. 
The different balances in his hands, brought 
into one fum, will appear confiderable, and 
are more than could be at all necefTary, if 
the mode of appropriating the iffues from 
the treafury was altered. Thefe iffues are 
made to the treafurer of the navy, at the 
requifition of the navy-board, and confift 
of three feparate branches, the Pay, the 
Cajhiersy and the ViBiialling. In the firfl 
are contained the wages for feamen, arti- 
ficers, and half- pay ; in the fecond are paid 
the navy bills, and demands for wear and 
K 2 tear, 



[ 63 ] 

tear, marine {lores, and tranfporting naval 
ftores of all kinds. In the third branch 
are difcharged the contracts and engage- 
ments for the victualling offices ; but the 
grofs iffues from the Exchequer, both for 
the pay and victualling, pafs firft into the 
caihier's account. 

The fourth and lalt report, which clofes 
the commiffioners refearches during the 
firil nine months, relates to the balances 
in the hands of the pay mailers of the 
army. 

The balance in the hands of^ lord Hol- 
land, or his executors, from June 1765, 
the time his lordlhip quitted the office, 
down to December 1777, amounted to 
four hundred and fifty thoufand pounds; 
in 1778, two hundred and two thoufand 
pounds of the above fum were paid ; and, 
from December 1778 to December 1780, 
two hundred and forty-eight thoufand 
pounds remained in the hands of the exe- 
cutors. 

The balances in the hands of the pay- 
mailers, or their reprefentatives, from lord 
Holland, down to Mr. Rigby, came to 
about one hundred and twenty thoufand 
pounds all together. 

The fimple interelt on lord Holland's ba- 
lances, calculated at four pounds per cent, 
for each year, amounted to two hundred 

and 



[ 69 1 

and forty-eight thoufand pounds ; and the 
intereft on the other paymafters balances, 
to forty-fix thoufand pounds ; which, for 
the fifteen years, from 1765 to 1780, is a 
lofs to the public of nineteen or twenty 
thoufand pounds a year. This fum is an 
object worth faving - ? and, whilft the ftate 
is paying intereft for exchequer bills, for 
votes of credit, or for advance on the land 
tax, it is highly improper to fuffer any ba- 
lances, to a confiderable amount, to lay 
in the hands of either the receivers or pay- 
mafters ; efpecially when, at this day, iifues 
are to be made on the fhorteft notice at the 
exchequer, through the afiiftance of the 
bank. 

And if the treafurer of the navy was in- 
difcriminately to apply his cam to the pay- 
ments for either of the three branches, 
inftead of keeping feparate cam accounts 
for each of them, and if other branches of 
expenditure were to do the fame, the ba- 
lances in the treafurers or paymafters 
hands never need be to any confiderable 
amount. 

However neceiTary thefe large advances 
to paymafters might have been formerly, 
the intercourfe government now holds with 
the bank, makes any real iflues ufelefs, ex- 
cept for paying wages of different kinds ; 
as all larger fums would be beft difcharged 
by drafts on the bank. 

The 



I 70 1 

The idea of difficulties arifing in the 
balancing thefe cafh accounts, at any par* 
ticular period, feems rather unaccounta- 
ble. If the balances in the hands of a 
treafurer or paymafter, and his clerks, are 
ftruck, and found to be bona fide in their 
poffeffions, no difficulty could be made by 
the fucceffor in receiving the balances, and 
taking on him the truft. The treafurer 
and paymafter are only refponfible for de- 
falcation in their pay clerks; all other pay- 
ments, made to fpecific orders, are cleared as 
they go : and no great embarraflments could 
arife to the adjufting the pay clerks balances 
at the feveral pay offices in town, or at the 
different dock-yards, if the fervants of the 
Crown were fo inclined. 

The agents of regiments, after they have 
received any furn authoritatively, can draw 
no embarraiTment on the paymafter; and 
when any pay clerk has been fufpected of 
embezzlement, there has been very little 
trouble or time required to bring his ac- 
count to a balance, and to afcertain very 
accurately to what amount he has been a 
defaulter. 

There can be no doubt but the accounts 
of thefe great treafurer s and paymafter s 
might be adjufted, and paffed more expe- 
ditioufly, than has ufually been the cafe. 

The idea of a paymafter withholding the 
public money, in confequence of an official 

difpute, 



[ 7i 3 

difpute, that may laft for years, between 
him and one of his deputies, feems too 
injurious to the public intereft, for any 
fervant of the ftate to connive at. 

This plea or pretence to withhold the 
public money is further aggravated, by a 
paymafter for the army having been fuf- 
fered to keep back four hundred and fifty 
thoufand pounds for twelve or thirteen 
years, and two hundred, and fifty thoufand 
pounds for two years part ; at the fame 
time that the amount acknowledged to be 
in litigation does not exceed feventy-five 
thoufand pounds. 

Parliament are bound in duty to take 
care that every poflible check (hall be efta- 
blifhed, to prevent material embezzlements; 
but it muft lay with the head department of 
the finances to determine what fums of the 
unexpended money fhalj be fuffered to pafs 
from time to time put of the exchequer, 
into the hands of the treafurers and pay-? 
matters. 

Difficulties will be raifed, where errors 
and abufes, which time and cuftom have 
fanctified, are brought forward to be abo- 
lished, or reformed ; becaufe the private in- 
terefts of many individuals will be liable to 
fufFer from fuch fteps. 

And whenever the executive officers of the 
Crown fhall truft the fecurity of their 
power, or the concealment of their mif- 

condud> 



[ 72 J 

conduct, to the affiftance and fupport which 
fecret influence affords, they will be averfe 
in their hearts to that effectual reform, 
which goes to root out fucH influence, 
whatever appearances they may cuitwardly 
affume. 

Thefe reports as yet have gone to no 
material reform ; for though a faving of 
fixty or feventy thoufand pounds a year 
might arife from any confiderable balances 
being no longer fuffered to lay in the 
hands of the receivers, treafurers, and pay- 
mafters ; ftdl the practice can never be 
effectually prevented, but by proper exer- 
tions on the part of the treafury-board. 

And their lordfhips, I conceive, had no 
fort of occafion to give the commiffioners 
nine months tedious refearches, to remedy 
an evil which the attention of the treafury- 
board only can effectually prevent. There- 
fore thefe refearches have done little more 
as yet, than to amufe the public, and con- 
tribute to lull their fears afleep; which have 
been done effectually ; for the honeft, un- 
fufpecting mind flatters himfelf reformation 
is at work, and quietly waits the event. 
May men of thofe opinions find in the end 
they have not been miftaken ! 

I mail now proceed, having, I hope, 

candidly commented on the reports, to 

make fome remarks on the different branches 

of the expenditure ; which, with the regular 

3 revenues, 



t 73 3 

revenues, and the temporary loans made 
under the faith and fecurity of Parliament, 
amount for this year to almoft twenty-nine 
millions fterling. 

Of this enormous fum, upwards of a 
million of pounds fterling * are expended 
in the gathering in the revenue, including 
bounties given for the encouragement of 
different productions ufeful in trade and 
manufactures. 

In the iftuing and difpofal of the re- 
maining twenty-feven millions and a half, 
for the feveral ufes and demands of go- 
vernment, and afterwards auditing that ex- 
penditure; the falaries-and incidental charges 
of the public offices, through which this 
vaft fum paries, to the final clofe of the 
accounts ; with the fees, perquifites, gra- 
tuities, and penfions, paid by the way out 
of the public money, will, I may venture 
to affert, amount to one million four -j~ or 

five 

* This million does not include any of the fees or 
perquifites of offices, paid by the merchant or others, 
for which no allowance is made out of the revenue. 

f This includes the civil eftabli foments, for iffuing 
and auditing the public expenditure ; for the admi- 
ralty, and its fubordinate boards of navy, victualling, 
&c. ; likewife for the feveral dock -yards, with the 
naval ftorekeepers, and agent victuallers ; for the 
army paymafters and their clerks, and the commiffa- 
ries and agents ; with the civil eitablifhment be- 
longing to the board of ordnance j the charge in- 

L currcd 



[ 74 ] 

five hundred thoufand pounds more ; mak- 
ing, together with the charge of collecting, 
two millions and a half fterling : and the 
twenty-fix millions, which remain, are left 
to defray the expence of the civil lift, of 
the naval and military eftablifhments for 
the current year, and the intereft of the 
national debt. 

The expences for the civil lift eftablifh- 
ment was fettled, in the beginning of the 
prefent reign, at eight hundred thoufand 
pounds a year. — In 1769, it was five hun- 
dred and thirteen thoufand pounds in ar* 
rear -> which a former Parliament very in- 
dulgently difcharged. In the fucceeding 
eight years, the civil lift was again in ar- 
rears to the amount of fix hundred and 
eighteen thoufand pounds; which the laft 
Parliament, following their predecefibrs ex- 
ample, difcharged, without inquiry or hefi- 
tation, or any ftep taken to fearch out the 
caufes of thefe frequent great deficiencies, 
in order to difcover whether they arofe 
from wafte, extravagance, or improper pen- 
fions, or anv other mifconducl: in the fer- 



curred for paying interefl at the bank, and other 
public funds j the intereft paid for anticipating the re- 
venues, from time to time, and on the unfunded 
debts contracted by government; fuch as intereft on 
navy and exchequer bills, &c. with all the fees, per- 
quisites, and allowances granted in the fettling and 
adj lifting the different accounts. 

1 vants 



[ 75 ] 

vants of the crown. And they not only 
paid the arrears with the people's money, 
without knowing if they were juftified in 
fo doing, but fettled one hundred thoufand 
pounds, in addition to the civil lift* during 
his Majefty's life. 

Queen Anne, exclusive of the allow- 
ances for the branches of the Royal Fa- 
mily, had but fix hundred thoufand pounds 
a year for the maintenance of her houfhold, 
and the dignity of the Crown. 

Of the two laft Kings, George the Firft 
had but fix hundred and eighty thoufmd 
pounds, exclufive of the allowances to the 
Royal Family, under every additional affift- 
ance, through his reign ; and George the 
Second had, exclufive of the allowances to 
his Queen and Royal Family, fix hundred 
and eighty-feven thoufand pounds, upon 
the average for thirty-three years, reckon- 
ing in every additional grant or afliftance 
obtained through the courfe of his reign. 

Thefe two laft Kings, from their at- 
tachments and vifits to their native coun- 
try, incurred confiderable expences the pre- 
fent King has avoided ; and which the na- 
tion were not bound either in juftice or 
generofity to provide for. 

The pre fen t King had, from his accef- 
fion, the latter end of 1760, a fettled in- 
come of eight hundred thoufand pounds, 
fubjecS to no uncertainties; and, after pro- 

L 2 viding 



[ 76 ] 

viding for his Queen, his Mother, and the 
reft of the Royal Family, full fix hundred and 
fixty thoufand pounds a yearremained. By 
the death of his brother, the Duke of York,- 
in 1767, twelve thoufand pounds a year fell 
in to the King : In 1769, five hundred and 
thirteen thoufand pounds were given by Par- 
liament to pay his debts,, which, upon the 
average amount for the firft eight years of 
his reign, made the King's expences, after 
providing for the Queen and Royal Family, 
feven hundred and thirty thoufand pounds 
a year. In 1772, the Princefs Dowager 
died, which brought the King a further ad- 
dition to his income of fixty thoufand 
pounds a year, making his income, exclu-r 
live of the Queen, and the other branches 
of the Royal Family, (even hundred and 
thirty thoufand pounds, However, in 1777, 
a frefh application was made to Parliament, 
for the difcharge of his Majefty's debts ; 
which, in the courfe of eight years, from 
1769, came to fix hundred and eighteen 
tnoufand pounds, and made the King's an- 
nual income for thafe eight years, exclufive 
of the expences of his Queen, Aunt, and 
Brothers, &c. {even hundred and eighty 
thoufand pounds. And from 1777, by the 
additional one hundred thoufand pounds to 
the King's income, his Majefty has had 
from his fubjecfts, exclufive of the Queen 
and Royal Family, eight hundred and thirty 

thoufand 



[ 77 ) 

thoufand pounds a year, to fupport his houf- 
hold, and the dignity of his Crown. 

The fervan ts of the Crown, in the late reign, 
never had more than fix hundred and ninety 
thoufand pounds a year, reckoning every 
addition, to fupport the fame articles which 
the fervants of the Crown, during the firft 
eight years of the prefent reign, expended 
annually feven hundred and thirty thoufand 
pounds to provide for ; and, during the fol- 
lowing eight years, feven hundred and eighty 
thoufand pounds ; and from 1777, eight 
hundred and thirty thoufand pounds a year. 
Neverthelefs, the talk abroad is, that the 
houfhold and falaries are growing again into 
arrears. 

When his Majefty's fervants have been 
fo carelefs and profufe, as to fuffer large ar- 
rears, in fhort fpaces of time, to accumu- 
late in their departments, which the in- 
come cannot discharge ; it then becomes 
incumbent on the Commons to examine 
the expenditure, and fearch into the caufes 
of the deficiencies, before they proceed a 
fecond time to grant any further aids to 
difcharge them ; left any part of the mo- 
ney mould have been applied by fome of 
the fervants of the Crown to corrupt pur-* 
pofes, fuch as might be fubverfive of the 
conftitution in tne end. 

For Parliament, at any time, to grant 
an additional fupply, before the debts fhall 

have 



[ 78 ] 

have been explained, could be confidered 
in no other light, than as a glaring breach 
of the truft repofed in them by the people. 
Becaufe it may tend to betray the nation, 
at fome period or other, by furnifhing a 
precedent for bad minifters in future to be 
carelefs and indifferent as to what wafte or 
extravagance they run into in the expen- 
diture of their Sovereign's income, feeing 
that without difficulty, or even the leaft in- 
quiry, they could eafily fupply all defi- 
ciencies, whatever may be the amount. 

No fubject can have a wifli tc^ reduce his 
Sovereign's income, or to controul him in 
the mode of expending it, whilft his fer- 
vants (hall be attentive to make it fubfer- 
vient to the expences of his houfhold, and 
the dignity of his Crown. But when im- 
provident fervants run their Prince in debt, 
and come to Parliament for relief; the 
Commons might reafonably be expected to 
make inquiry into the caufe of the debt ; 
which would have led the laft Parliament, 
in 1777, to have looked into the ftate of 
the penfion lift ; and to have afked, Why 
the penfions paid at the exchequer, and 
thofe by a paymafter, were increafed in 
1775 near thirty thoufand pounds, and in 
1776, feventy thoufand pounds a year be- 
yond their amount in 1760 ? Alfo, what 
were the amount of the fecret penfions, 
and to whom paid -, for though their ex^ 

iftence 



[ 79 ] 

iftence was not denied, yet all explanation 
was, contrary to reafon and juftice, with- 
held by the laft Parliament ; they rejecting 
the motion for laying the account before 
the public, although the neceffity of it had 
been urged by one of the members of the 
Commons ; who accompanied his affertions 
w T ith fome circumftances of a very dan- 
gerous tendency ; leaving no other alterna- 
tive for the minifters' defence, but either to 
bring forward the lift, or elfe (hew to the 
public the falfhood and calumny of the 
charge. 

It may naturally be fuppofed, that the 
Parliament, had they examined into the 
civil lift debts, would have afked, why the 
falaries and allowances to our minifters at 
foreign courts were increafed, from 1765 to 
1776, thirty thoufand pounds a year more 
than their amount in 1754?— both times 
of peace. Why the privy purfe, wardrobe, 
ftables, and board of works, came to eighty 
thoufand pounds a year more in the pre- 
fent, than in the laft reign ? Whether it 
could in anvwife affect the eafe and con- 
venience of the Sovereign, or the dignity 
of the Crown, if certain ufelefs and nomi- 
nal offices, with large falaries, were abo- 
lifhed ? fuch as a treafurer and comptroller 
of the houfehold< — the one without cafh, 
and the other without pow r er. A lord war- 
den of the cinque ports, and a conftable of 

Dover 



i so j 

Dover Caflle — now that the charge and 
protection of the coaft is no longer en- 
trufted to thefe ports, and their lord war- 
den. A furveyor and auditor of land re- 
venues — when fcarce any lands or revenues 
remain. A matter of the hawks — when 
none are trained, and the amufement no 
longer pradtifed. A lord, the paymafter of 
penfions — that might as well be paid at 
the exchequer, or the bank, for the falary 
of a common clerk. Chief Juftices in 
Eyre, with very large appointments — when 
the diftributive juftice they were to prefide 
over, the motives of their eftablifhment, 
have long been at an end. Thefe are the 
circumftances for Parliament to look into ; 
and which could never be done, confident 
with the refped: due to the Sovereign, but 
when the negledt and mifmanagementof his 
fervants have rendered the royal income in- 
efficient to provide for his Majefty's houf- 
hold, and the dignity of the Crown. 

Thus, taking in the civil lift, is the ex- 
penditure of near three and a half, of aim oft 
twenty-ninemillions,raifedfortbeyeari78r, 
to be accounted for : fix millions fix hun- 
dred thoufand pounds muft be applied to dis- 
charge theintereft of the funded debt* : the 
remainder, rather more than eighteen mil- 

* The amount, after allowing for the redu&ion of 
intereft, £, 212,000, in 1781 and 1782. 

lions 



[ 8i ] 

lions and a half, goes to defray the different 
branches of the navy, and the navy trans- 
ports, the army; the ordnance, and their 
tranfport fervices. Thefe are the great fields 
of profit and advantage to all concerned in 
them, except the Jailor and the foldier. 
Thefe are the gulphs to be explored, and to 
which the petitions of the people were par- 
ticularly pointed. But the expences of the 
feparate branches of thefe great departments, 
the fervants of the crown, perhaps, did not 
chufe to lay open to the people ; rather 
wifhing to conceal them from the public 
eye, in one general mafs : and the laft Par- 
liament, either through indolence or com- 
plaifance, feemed too readily inclined to 
meet fuch wifh. For, otherwife, would 
they have recorded their refolution to re- 
main ignorant of what it was their duty to 
know, by rejecting every motion that went 
to the elucidating the accounts ? and which 
Minifters would hardly have ventured to 
withhold, if the laft Parliament had been 
refolved to be informed. 



M CHAK 



[ te 1 



CHAP. IV. 



STRICTURES ON THE NAVY AND ARMT 
EXPENCES, COMPARED WITH THEIR 
AMOUNT IN THE LAST WAR. 



OUR navy, at the clofe of the laft war, 
was in a very refpeftable ftate ; the 
fliips in much better condition, and far 
more numerous, than they were in the year 
1 776, at the commencement of our colony, 
or tran fatlantic war. This naturally leads 
us to conjecture, that many fhips had been 
fufFered to decay, and ftores to wafte away, 
without being repaired or replenifhed, dur- 
ing the twelve years from 1764 to 1776. 
And though the war was then avowedly be- 
gun, and might have been with reafon pre- 
dicted in 1775, if not fooner ; and every cir- 
cumftance that experience fuggefted, told us 
to beware of France and Spain; yet in May 
1778, after France had declared her inten- 
tions ta fupport our revolted colonies, many 
of our mips were in a defective ftate, and in 
fuch want of ftores of every kind to equip 
them; that in two months from the 

refcript 



[ «3 3 

rcfcrl.pt delivered by the French Am- 
baffador, and his hoftile departure from 
hence, it was with great difficulties and de- 
lays, much as the time preffed, that Admi- 
ral Byron's fquadron, of twelve or thirteen 
fhips of the line, could be difpatched to fol- 
low the fquadron of France to America ; 
which, inftead of following, we mould have 
been there ready to receive. But fo defec- 
tive were our navy, that, when with diffi- 
culty this fquadron was aflembled at Spit- 
head, fome of the running rigging, it has 
been credibly afferted, were unreaved from 
other fhips, in order to promote the difpatch 
of the fquadron. 

Thefe are ftriking proofs of the neg- 
lected ftate of our navy, when the war broke 
out in Europe ; though, in common pru- 
dence, we ought to have had the hulls in 
conftant repair at all times., and ftorcs futn- 
cient in readinefs to equip a formidable fleet, 
£o as to be able to put to fea on the morteft 
notice. And had we been fortunate enough 
to have our fleets properly arrayed, and fent 
in time to the protection of our fettlements, 
when France declared againft us, neither Do- 
minica, St. Vincent, nor Grenada, had been 
taken. 

At the clofe of the laft war, in 1763, we 
were in pofleffion of a fleet, that, with com- 
mon care and attention, might have been 
eafily renewed, and kept in condition to 
£ome out of harbour on afhort notice. 

Ms We 



[ 8 4 ] 

We had at that time one hundred and 
nine * (hips of the line, including thofe of 
fifty guns, and eighty fubftantial frigates, in 
commiffion ; and building and in ordinary, 
forty fhips, from fifty guns and upwards. 

From the wear of the war, and from lv- 
ing in ordinary, many of the (hips, even 
during peace, would want repairing, or re- 
building, from time to time. The mafts 
and yards, if properly taken care of, might 
laft many years ; fo would guns and anchors ; 
and thofe ftores liable to decay, might, by 
proper management, keeping always a ftock 
of materials on hand, foon be prepared for 
ufe. 



* In commifiion the end of the war, in 1763 : 

Ships, 
Ships of the line, from 100 tq 60 guns, p~ go 
Ships of 50 guns, — — — — jo, 

109 

From 44 to 49 guns, — — — 14 

from 38 to 24 guns, — — — 64 

Ships out of commiffion in 1763 : 
Ships of the lie building, — — — H 

In ordinary, of the line, f to be repaired, or 
including fhips of 50 \ broken up, and 



guns, C rebuilt. 



40 



But 



[ 8 5 ] 

But the great eflential objedl to be atten- 
tive after is, the repairs or renewals of the 
hulls, as thole (hall be found to decay. If 
the hulls had been carefully attended to, 
through the laft peace, our navy would ne* 
ver have been in that defective ftate, which 
the number of fhips, fo inadequate to the 
demand at the beginning of 1778, confirmed 
to all Europe, 

By the end of 1779, or the beginning of 
1780, eighty fhips of the line, or upwards, 
were aflerted to be in commifiion ; but 
feveral of thofe (hips have been found fitter 
for parade than real fervice. 

In the fummer of 1781, there wefe not 
quite ninety mips of the line in commifiion; 
with about twenty-five from fifty to forty- 
four guns* and rather more than eighty from 
thirty-eight to twenty-eight guns. The 
mips in ordinary, repairing, and waiting to 
be repaired, or rebuilt, confifted of about 
twenty-nine or thirty of the line* and ten or 
eleven frigates of twenty-eight guns and 
upwards. 

There have been taken or deflroyed, 
fince 1775, f eight fhips of the line, two of 



t 


Loft, 


or deftroyed : 




Guns* 






3 " 


bhips of 


— 


74 






5 


of 


— 


64 






2 


of 


-— 


50 






4 


of 


— 


44 






12 


of 


** 


32 






12 


of 


— 


2? 



M 3 fifty 



[ 86 ] 

fifty guns, and twenty-eight frigates, from 
forty- four to twenty-eight guns. Ofthofe 
of the line, one * only had been loft between 
April 1780, and the fummer of 178 1 • 
Neverthelefs, though eight line of battle 
fhips were launched between March 1780, 
and the middle of 178 1, and one or two have 
been taken from the Dutch, we had not 
above four or five line of battle fhips more, 
the middle of 1781, than were in commif- 
fion the end of 1779, a year and a half 
before. Whilft the Princefs Amelia, the 
Terrible, the Buffalo, and others, almoft as 
defective, have been reckoned into the ninety 
fhips of the line, afferted from time to time 
%o be in commiffion. 

Can any circumftances more ftrongly point 
put the neglect, or uncommon decay, of our 
navy, during the laft twelve or fourteen 
years ? And it muft be evident, from the 
ill-conditioned hulls fent into fervice, that 
government have all along been more in 
want of mips than men; for otherwife, thofe 
fit for fervice muft have been more in num- 
ber : and neceffity only could fend fuch fhips 
as the Princefs Amelia, Terrible, and Buffalo 
into action : The 1 rincefs Amelia and Buffalo 
have ferved to imprefs a very falfe idea of our 
ftrength ; furniming the States of Holland 
with a .plea to boaft, that their fquadron had 
teen oppoied by fhips of greater force than 

* The Cullodeq, of 74 guns. 

they 



[■ 8 7 3 

they really were ; as thofetwo, from their de- 
cayed condition, had not the weight of metal 
fhips of their dimenfions ufually carry. 

The fact is, that after all our exertions 
for thefe two or three years paft, fmce the 
war broke out with France (and I do 
allow they have been great) the fhips of the 
line fit for real fervice are fcarcely equal, at 
this day, to the number of fhips of the line 
that were in actual fervice at the clofe of 
the laft war *. However, by having fhewn 
what this nation can do, in the public and 
private dock-yards, upon proper exertions ; 
thofe circumftances corroborate, in the 
ftrongeft degree, the neglect of our navy 
for feveral years back. 

From the beginning of 1766 to the end 
of 1777, being twelve years of peace in 
Europe, fifty-five fhips of the line under- 
went, fome repairs ; and forty-two were 
built, from fifty guns and upwards. From 
the beginning of 1778, when France open- 
ly declared her hoftile deiigns, to the mid- 
dle of 1 78 1, being three years and a half, 
four or five, and twenty fhips, from fifty 
guns and upwards, have been built; 
amounting, in the fifteen years and a half, 
to fixty-feven new fhips of the line, includ- 
ing eleven or twelve of fifty guns. And 
within the above periods were alfo built 
about fifty or fixty fhips and large frigates, 
from forty- four to twenty-eight guns. 

* Though five fhips of the fine have been taken from the 
Spaniards, as well as one or two from the Dutch. 

M 4 Sixty- 



[ 88 ] 



S? 



.5 -=3 o 



<-M 



2<5 



o 
o 



I -I 

' CO 



o 


O 


o 


O 


o 


O 


•\ 


* 


o 


o 


CO 


o 


Th 


o 


•V 


Wk 


M 


o 




<z 



3 









&J0 J^ 

,(H CO 

*- NO ,5 ~ 3 



"^ T3 T3 ^9 a c 



o 



c3 d « U 



O 



^8 



M 






<D co 

o 

co >^» 

J*? s 

CO 



o 
o 
o 

o 
o 



X & 

o ^ 

O u, ^Q 

co ,0 *x 

•^ » CJ 



o 
o 

o 

#\ 

o 
o 

r^ 

•\ 

^u? CO U 4-» * 

•3 o o 



O 

o 
o 

o 

NO 



O O I 

o o 

o o 1 

o o I 

SO rh 

O vo 



o 
o 
o 

o 
o 



<_^ *^ o o 






.s 

s 

Pi 









<4« 



O^s? 



o V 

M O 



fc 



IO 



The 



[ *9 ] 

The building and repairs of thefe fhips 
can hardly be fet at more than four mil- 
lions ; whilft the fums granted in thofe fix- 
teen years, for building and repairing fhips 
of war and docks, came to fix millions fix 
hundred thoufand pounds. 

As 67 fhips, of 50 guns and upwards, 
have been built fince the beginning of 1766, 
it is fcarcely pofiible for 70 fhips of the line 
to have undergone repairs any thing near 
equal to two-thirds of their original cofl, 
and our navy be, at this day, neither more 
numerous, or in better, if fo good condition, 
as at the clofe of the lafl war. If fuch flout 
repairs had taken place, we ought to have 
had 140 fail, of 50 guns and upwards; and 
no crazy fhips among them : therefore I ap- 
prehend it will be difficult to account, under 
the head of buildings and repairs, for fo 
much even as four millions. 

In the defcription of the fhips, fome little 
errors of time, or rates, or numbers, may be 
found; but none of confequence enough to 
affect the leading arguments here maintained. 
The grants in the naval department, for 
building and repairs of fhips and docks, have 
been confidered by parliament as confined fo 
fpecifically to thofe ufes -f, that even the 
pay of the eftablifhed officers of the feveral 
dock-yards, has been always provided for, 

f Therefore, the burning of cordage and fails cannot 
affect the money, I apprehend, appropriated for the hulls 
of the fhips. 

N under 



C 90 1 

under the head of ordinary; which likewifc 
includes other expences incurred in and 
about the dock-yards, as the extracts of fome 
of the articles under that head will fhew ; 
fuch as the eftabl ifhments for the yards, 
the wages and provifions for officers and 
men ferving on board the fhips in ordinary, 
the charge for harbour moorings and rig- 
ging, and for the common repairs of his 
Majefty's fhips in ordinary. Thefe feveral 
articles of expence, in the laft peace, were 
not lefs than two hundred and thirty thou- 
fand pounds* a year: and the annual amount 
of the ordinary of the navy, during the 
twelve years of peace from 1764 to 1775, 
came, on the average, to four hundred and 
twelve thoufand pounds •£* 

* Under the head of ordinary, are the following 
charges for 1776 .: 
To the fix dock-yards, — — £. 24,598 

Wages for fhips and veflels in ordinary, — 42,529 
Victuals to officers and men ferving in ordinary, 18,815 
For harbour moorings and rigging, — 40,450 

Ordinary repairs for his Majefty's fhips in 

ordinary, — — — — 113,442 

£.23 9,834 

f Total amount of the ordinary of the navy, ' 

for twelve years, from 1764 to 1775* £,4,944,000 

Average for each year, — £.412,000 — — * 

Total of the ordinary of the 
navy for fix years, from 
1750101755, — — — £.1,700,000 

Average for each year, — £. 283,000 ■ 

. Excefs £. 129,000. 

Yet, 



C 91 1 

Yet, during the fix years of peace:, front 
1750 to 1755, the ordinary of the navy 
came to no more than two hundred and 
eighty- three thoufand pounds a year, on the 
average; which makes an excefs of one hun-* 
dred and twenty-nine thoufand pounds a 
year, during the laft peace —And yet our 
navy appears to have been in a worfe condi- 
tion, in all refpects, at the commencement 
of the prefent, than of the former war. 

The records of Parliament inform us, 
that in Si years of peace, from 1750 to 
1755, the money granted to build and repair 
mips of war came to no more than fix hun- 
dred and forty thoufand pounds, or one hun- 
dred and {even thoufand pounds a year; 
which were found fufficient to preferve the 
mips in fuch good condition, that, from the 
breaking out of the war in 1756, to the end 
of it in 1763, no more than one million five 
hundred thoufand pounds were required of 
Parliament for building and repairing fhips, 
during thofe years of a&ive fervice ; this 
was not quite two hundred thoufand pounds 
a year; yet fufficient to leave eleven mips of 
the line upon the flocks *$ and amounted, 

* Grants from 1 750 to 1755, for build- 
ing and repairing fhips and docks, be- 
ing fix years, — — £. 640,000 

Grants in the eight years from 1756 to 

17^3? — — * — 1,508,000 

£.2,148,000 
Equal to £.153,000, on the avenge, for each year* 

N 2 for 



I 92 ] 

for the fourteen years from 1750 to 1763, 
to no more, on the average, than one hun- 
dred and fifty-three thoufand pounds for each 
year. 

Whilft, from 1766 to 1781, being twelve 
years of peace, and four of war in Eu- 
rope, the money granted for building and 
repairing (hips and docks, came to fix mil- 
lions fix hundred thoufand pounds, or four 
hundred and twelve thoufand pounds a year; 
fufficient to have built one hundred and fifty 
fhips of the line, and one hundred and twen- 
ty, or more, flout frigates; and left a larger 
fum than could be wanted to make any ne- 
ceffary alterations or additions to the docks, 
to receive, and repair them in. 

When fuch extenfive grants come to be 
contrafted with thofe in the fourteen years 
from 1750 to 1763, it muft ftrike us with 
aftonifliment, to know our fleet had been fo 
defective, and unequal to its ftrength and 
condition at the clofe of the laft, when the 
prefent war broke out in Europe. 

Thefe ftatements are fufhxient to raife 
doubts and fufpicions, as to the appropri- 
ation of the money granted for the fole pur- 
pcfe of building and repairing the hulls of 
the men of war. But thofe doubts have 
been increafed by the pains taken to ward 
off all inquiry into the naval expenditure, 
at leaft to any effectual explanation. 

3 In 



[ 93 3 

In fhort, during the laft parliament, all 
attempts to obtain a fatisfactory account of 
the difpofal of the money 'granted to keep 
our navy in good repair, were eluded. Even 
the motion made for examining the furveyor 
of the navy, as to the condition of the fhips, 
was rejected. 

Such conduct, from whatever motives it 
may proceed, joined to the enormous fums 
that have been granted to build and repair 
the (hips of war, will naturally lead men to 
fufpect the money had been applied to ufes 
foreign to thofe for which it had been given. 

And, unlefs the money has been other- 
wife applied, it muft be difficult to account 
for the weak ftate of the navy, when the 
war begun in Europe *. 

If there has been no neglect or mifma- 
nagement ; if the money has been conflantly 
applied to build or repair the fhips of war; 
and the diftrefs arofe from a fudden unex- , 
ample d decay of timbers ; from caufes not to 
have been forefeen, or prevented ; it would 
furely have been prudent and wife in mini- 
fters, for their own reputation, and the 
general fatisfaction of the public, to have 

* Befides the fums already enumerated, the navy 
debt, by the end of the fifth year of the war in America, 
and the third from the rupture with France, came to 
double the amount of that debt, at the end of the laft 
war, or during any one year of it, 

made 



made thofe caufes, and the application of the 
money, clearly appear ; which might eafily 
have been done. 

The recorded ftate of the fhips, and the 
decay of timber, the furveyor of the navy 
muft have been capable of proving ; and the 
office-books would certainly have (hewn, 
without much time or trouble, the quantity 
brought each year into the refpective dock- 
yards, of timber y plank> iron, bolts, nails, pitch, 
turpeniiiie, rojin, paint, oakum, and any other 
materials ufed in building or repairing the men 
of war-, the cojl cfthefe articles, and the annual 
amount of pay to working foipwrights, joiners, 
caulkers, painters, fmiths, &c, ; with the cojl 
of his Majejiys flips or vejjels launched from 
merchant yards, would have enabled parlia- 
ment to judge, with fufficient accuracy, of 
the application of thofe grants. 

No fupplies can be voted for purpofes 
of higher confequence to Great Britain, 
than thofe given to keep the hulls of our 
mips in a condition for fervice, whenever 
called for. The importance of this objedt 
muft be evident to every man in the king- 
dom ; as money alone, without the affi (lance 
of much time, cannot replenish or provide 
the neceflary iupply, when the mips have 
been fuftered to fail into decay. Thefe cer- 
tainly were the fentiments of the minifter 
at the end of the laft war; for, in ftating the 
eftimates for 1765, he obferved, The peace 

ejlablijhment 



[ 95 1 

ejlablijhment for the navy was enlarged, being 
the mofi conflitutional force, and bejl fecurity 
for Great Britain ; and therefore one hundred 
thoufand pounds a year more than before were 
to be employed in Jhip- building, to keep the 
navy on a footing to be ref peeled by all Eu- 
rope. 

This was fo far from being the condition 
of the {hips, at the end of thirteen or four- 
teen years, that they were found to be in 
fuch a weak ftate, as to be defpifed by all 
Europe. Yet the reflection of what has been 
done towards the increafe of the navy fince 
the war broke out, muft add to our aftonifh- 
ment at the defective ftate the fhips were in 
when that war began ; and teach us to la- 
ment, left thofe exertion § may have come too 
late, which, if attended to in time, would 
have given us a decided fuperiority over the 
fleets of France and Spain, in whatever part 
of the world they might be collected. 

Our navy is effentially neceffary for the 
fafety and protection of the empire y the fe- 
curity of our commerce depends entirely 
upon it. Therefore it was unpardonable 
not to be prepared for every event that 
might happen, from the deliberate rupture 
with our colonies. 

If our naval force, at the commencement 
of the war in America, had been in the con- 
dition the liberal grants to fupport it, gave us 
every reaibn tp exped j the full difplay of 

that 



[ 96 1 

that ftrength, in the beginning of the con- 
left, had, in all probability, prevented any- 
foreign powers from openly leaguing with 
our revolted colonies ; and thereby flopped 
the breaking out of the war in Europe ; 
which France and Spain were tempted 
to embark in, merely from the negled of 
our navy. Spain, at leaft, would have ven- 
tured, on no other ground, to declare againfl 
us ; for to this day, that power has formed 
no league with North America. And if 
France, from her reftlefs and arnbitious tem- 
per, had been imprudent enough to join the 
revolters againfl: us, fhe muft have yielded, 
early in the fhuggle, to our fuperior force at 
fea. A fuperiority eafy to have been ob- 
tained, if we had been fufficiently prepared 
at the outfet; though difficult now to 
recover. 

A maritime ftate ought always to bear in 
mind the following truth; happy would it 
have been for us, if minifters and parliament 
Iiad done fo fome years back : — That the 
nation who commands upon the ocean,, will 
command the trade that paffes through it. 
For without fuch a' fuperiority at fea, nei- 
ther our colonies, or other pofTeffions in 
America or Afia, proftrate at our feet, yield- 
ing to unconditional fubmiffion, could fecure 
us their exclufive trade. An advantage we 
long enjoyed, the fource of all our flrength, 
and opulence ; and which can only make the 

colonies 



{ 97 1 

colonies worth any great exertions to regain 
them. 

From thefe circumflances, two very na^ 
tural and important queilions muft arife in 
the bread of eveiy man, who feels for his 
country, or the fecurity of his property. 
Tell us then you our reprefentatives, who 
furely know the eaufes, why the fhips of 
the line, when the war broke out, were not 
more numerous ; and why, of thofe put into 
commiffion, feveral were hardly fit for the 
flighted fervice, as experience has too fa- 
tally confirmed. 

Thefe are queilions, that can in no degree 
tend to harrafs or retard the executive ope- 
rations of the ftate : They are blended with 
no factious principles, and originate from no 
diftonrent. But are fuch, as the public 
have a right to call on the Commons to ex- 
plain ; finding that fix millions and a half 
had, during fixteen years *, and only four 
of them active war at fea, proved fcarcely 
adequate to preferve and renew the hulls of 
the fame number of line of battle mips, 
which a little more than two millions one 
hundred thoufand pounds had done during 
fourteen preceding years -f; andfeven of them 
the moft extenfive, and hotteft naval war, 
this country had ever been engaged in. 

* From 1766 to 1781. 
f From 1750 to 1763. 

O The 



[ 98 ] 

The army has been a very heavy expence 
to the nation, ever fince the rupture with 
our colonies; and that fatal idea was adopted, 
of carrying on a war by land at three thou-* 
fand miles di/tant from the fource of all 
fupplies ; whereby the expence incurred in 
the laft fix years, from our armies warring 
in America, will be found to exceed con- 
siderably the charge incurred for our armies 
in Germany, Canada, the Havannah, and 
elfewhere, in fix years of the former war ; 
as will appear frorn the following ftate-? 
ments. 



The 



[ 99 1 



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to, 



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* IPll 



Th« 



The transport ferviee for the troops, and 
the victualling them on board, are not in- 
cluded in the companion, for either war ; 
becaufe thofe heads of expence are carried 
into the extraordinaries of the navy. 

The extraordinaries came, in the fix years 
of the laft war, for the navy, to between 
thirteen and fourteen millions ; and for the 
army and ordnance, to about feventeen mil- 
lions ; making together thirty millions and 
a half*. 

Whilft the extraordinaries, in the fix years 
of the prefent war, will amount, by the 
end of 1781, for the navy, to nineteen mil- 
lions % and for the army and ordnance, to 
twenty-one millions, at the loweft compu- 
tation;, making together forty -f* millions or 

* The extraordinaries, from 1757 to 1762 inclufive, 

came, for navy fervices, and for tranfports for the army, 

to - - -> £- I3 5 5C0 3 oco 

For ordnance, - - 2,170,000 

For army,, - - 14,800,000 



£.30,470,000 



f The extraordinaries from 1776 to 1781, inclufive, 

will amount, for navy fervices, and tranfports for the 

army, to - - - £. i 9 ,cco,ooo. 

For ordnance, - - 3,700,000 

For army, ^ - 17,500,000 

£> 4O,2CQ,0O9» 

upwards > 



upwards ; and exceeding the fame heads of 
expence, in the laft war, ten millions fter- 
ling, in the fpace of fix years ; although no 
more feamen have been employed; and fewer 
troops by forty thoufand have been in payj 
during the prefent, than in the laft war. 

Thefe ftatements are made in order to 
mew, how much the expences for the ,fea 
and land armaments have, in the prefent, 
exceeded their amount in the former war. 
At the fame time, our ill-judged purfuits 
are very likely to lofe the nation, thofe 
folid advantages, the wife exertions of the 
former war had won. 

In the extraordinaries, are contained moft 
of thofe agencies, contracts, jobs, and 
fchemes, which this tranf-atlantic war has 
given birth to. 

What can be more inconfnlent with the 
nature of mercantile tranfactions, or more 
contrary to the true interefls of the people, 
than to have thcfe contracts and engage- 
ments, at leaft the greateft part of them, 
fettled by the lords of thetreafury? tranf- 
adlions, which neither they nor their fecre- 
taries can have time or knowledge to exa- 
mine or conduit ; and which have too often 
been beftowed on members of Parliament, 
or others, whom that board might wifh to fa- 
vour or indulge ; regardlefs whether they are 
fuflkiently acquainted with the aflbrtments 
of goods they undertake to provide. 

If 



[ 102 ] 

If the advantage of the public was the 
fole objeft; it might with reafon be ex- 
pected, thefe treafury contra&s, as - they 
are ufually termed, would be adjufled by 
that office, whether navy, army, or ord- 
nance, to which they immediately belong- 
ed ; and granted, like thofe contracts made 
by the navy and victualling boards, to the 
loweft bidder *; who muft, to afford it, be 
one of thofe perfons, whofe profeffion it is 
to make or provide the articles wanted. 
Therefore, it is very improvident to call in 
a middle man or agent, often unacquainted 
with the buiinefs he is to tranfadt, and who 
muft have a handfome profit on his contract* 
to induce him to accept it. 

Our troops are as diftinguiffied for difci- 
pline and valour, as thofe of any power in 
Europe; but our navy is in truth our bul- 
wark. The infular (ituations of Great Bri- 
tain and Ireland mufl furnifh fupplies of 
feamen, if properly encouraged, no king- 
dom in Europe can equal : and their har- 
bours and docks, for fafety and conftruc- 
tion, excel thofe of every other poten- 
tate. 

Matters on the ocean, we command its 
foreign traffic ; and without the fecurity of 

* No injury could arife, as thofe contractors are 
required to give fecurity, proportioned to the truft, of 
the amount of the engagement. 

com- 



[ *°3 ] 

communication and paffage, our diftant co- 
lonies, and poffeffions muft lofe their value. 

With fuch a navy at our command, at 
the commencement of the quarrel with our 
colonies, or even when the war began in 
Europe, as the grants during the laft peace 
fhould have fecured us, all might have been 
well at one half of the expence that has 
already been incurred ; which, if peace could 
not have been preferved in Europe, would 
have proved fufficient to have ftripped France 
and Spain of their beft iflands and ports in 
the Weft Indies, had our navy been in a con- 
dition to exert its wonted itrength. 

The fole advantages Great Britain derived 
from the Americans were, from their con- 
iiimption of our manufactures, and the re- 
turns made of their produce, confifting 
moftly of raw materials, or articles for re- 
exportation from hence ; and like wife from 
the employment furnifhed by thefe means 
for our merchant fhips. 

The advantages to America in future, as 
ilie increafes in population, muft depend on 
foreign commerce 3 as her fituation, and the 
production of her lands, equally invite her 
to trade : therefore, had we been mafters 
at fea, without fetting a foot upon the con- 
tinent, America muft have yielded to our 
commercial laws ; the only laws, had we 
been wife, we fhould ever have exercifed 
with rigour. But folly and infatuation have 

tempted 



[ io 4 J 

tempted us to wafte our Strength and treafure 
in carrying on a land war, where no im- 
preffions could be made, and where every 
cir.umftance was fo hoftile againft us, that 
the provifions to lublifl our army were to 
be carried, as well as the ammunition, three 
thoufand miles by fea. 

All the efforts on land have tended to 
weaken and impoverish Great Britain ; and 
the large fums of money, neceflarily ient 
after the army, have contributed to enrich 
our difaffedted colonies^ 

Setting afide the juftice of the war, the 
policy and wifdom of the meafure cannot 
be defended. We fhut our ears to their 
complaints, yet were unprepared to chaftife 
them by land; and at the fame tinv3 in- 
capable of oppofing our rivals in commerce 
on the ocean. Idly -believing France would 
let flip the moft favourable opportunity of 
attacking us, when at variance with our 
colonies ; and our navy had been long neg- 
lected : a neglect of the moft dangerous 
confequence, from the time that muft al- 
ways be required to recover it ; which folly 
and inattention can hardly excufe; and might 
only have been expected from the hand of 
treachery. And, fince we have got up our 
naval force in fome degree, we have not 
known how to ufe it to advantage. Ill in- 
formed, it's to be feared, of the movements or 
ftrength of our enemies, we feem to have been 
i coun- 



t p§ 1 

counteracted in every plan or meafiire we 
have attempted to carry into execution, 

From jealbufies at home, our ableft fea- 
officers, and iome of our beft generals, have 
been flighted or infulted, and drove into* 
retirement, to preferve their reputation from 
the invidious attacks, raifed from pique^ 
refentment, or mifconduct in others. 

If any thing can divert the dangers that 
hang over us, and five this country front 
the deftruclion that threatens her commer- 
cial interefts. it muft be exertions at fea : 
and, fo circumstanced, fhall feveral of our 
braveft, and the moil experienced of our 
admirals, be fufFered to remain on more ! 
The fervants of the Crowti are bound, by 
every tie of duty to their country, to call 
them, at thefe perilous times, into fervice, 
and force them to explain the motives of 
their difgufh .If their reafons were fri- 
volous, and they fhould ftill perfift in re- 
fusing to come forward, and exert their 
abilities and courage to preferve and ftcer 
us through the ftorm, they ought in that 
cafe to be ftruck off from the lift of ad- 
mirals, with every mark of contempt from 
their fovereign, and the execrations of their 
fellow-fubjefts. But if their complaints 
were well founded, and they had retired 
merely to preferve their reputations \ feeing, 
at the fame time, they were baffled, and too 
ill Supported, to be able to exert their abi- 

P lities 



[ io6 ] 

lities for the general good ; it might therl 
be wife and prudent in the people, if their 
reprefentatives refufed to make application, 
to join in an humble addrefs to their fove- 
reign, praying his Majefty would gracioufly 
pleafe to remove the obftacles to thofe gallant 
experienced fea officers ferving, at this very 
critical and alarming juncture. 

There is not a moment to lofe ; a naval 
blow muft be flruck, or we are a ruined 
nation. It is not by land, but on the 
ocean, America is to be brought back, if 
that can now be done. > As Canada, in the 
laft war, was faid to have been won in Ger- 
many ; fo, in the prefent war, it may with 
equal reafon be urged, that America is only 
to be regained at fea. 

We feem not to have adted either with 
candour, generofity, or difcretion, with re- 
fpedt to America, fince the defection took 
place, for, in every attempt to treat with 
our revolted colonies, inftead of advancing 
with fair and manly proportions, thofe 
who have been entrufted to negotiate, ap- 
pear to have diffembled and intrigued too 
much, ever to acquire confidence. 

Cur troops have borne fatigue with great 
patience and perfeverance, and exerted a 
wonderful degree of conduct and valour. 
But when difappointed, or frustrated, in 
their fchemes, they have, on fome occafions, 
in their predatory excursions, I am afraid, 

debafed 



[ io7 1 

debafed the character of the foldier by re- 
venge, and ftained their valour by ufelefs 
acts of cruelty. 

Information, with regard to America, 
has been induftrioufly withheld from the 
public ; whilft impreffions of the weak- 
nefs of the revolters, have mifled us. And 
now, with all our dear-bought experience, 
we feem to be going on, to wafte our ftrength 
upon the continent of America; which 
might, to far more advantage, be employed 
elfewhere. 

When fcarcely a match for France and 
Spain, we have haftily and impolitically, 
though I admit we had caufe of refentment, 
declared war againft the Dutch ; treating 
them, at the fame time, not as a nation we 
were going to war with in a fair and ho- 
nourable manner, but as if they too were 
rebels, who had revolted from Great Bri- 
tain. 

After the depredations committed on the 
Dutch commerce, without any of that pre- 
vious notice, which the interefts of fo- 
ciety have taught the civilized nations of 
Europe to adopt, before they proceed to 
hoftilities, can we expect that fuch con- 
duel: will go unrevenged, mould the powers 
combined againft us bear us down ? What 
we have as yet done againft Holland, I am 
afraid, will not weaken her as an enemy 
in any material degree •> being chiefly the 
P 2 deftructioi^ 



[ io8 ] 

deftrudtion of private property, to the in* 
jury of individuals, belonging to different 
nations ; and done in a manner the efta* 
bliihea rules of war condemn : rules no na- 
tion can be more concerned, and therefore 
ought to be more folicitous to maintain, 
than Great Britain, If Holland fhall have 
it in her power ever to retaliate, can we 
fuppofe that me will fix bounds to her 
depredations, by confining them only to the 
extent of purs ? It is more than probable 
that, urged on by refentment and revenge, 
fhe would know no bounds. There tore, 
whatever juft grounds, in our own opinion, 
we might have for declaring war, it was 
hazardous, to the laft degree, to do it, as we 
were iituated : and to do it in the manner 
we did, an act of indifcretion we may ulti- 
mately repent, in all human probability ; 
becaufe it furnifhes pretexts for every other 
nation to exclaim againft us ; and if we fall,, 
we fhall fall unpitied and defpifed. 



£ H A P. 



[ io9 ] 



CHAP. V. 

Conclusion. 

* 

THUS far, my countrymen, we have 
proceeded in our inquiry, carefully 
avoiding all fpeculative and conjectural 
points ; drawing remarks merely from fafts; 
and making me rife and fall of intereft the 
only criterion to judge of the increafe or 
decreafe of national wealth. 

The amount of the public income has 
been fairly flared, as well as the fources 
from whence it flows, and the charges of 
gathering it ^ with the expence incurred in 
ifiuing it from the treafury, and the appro- 
priation of it afterwards ; alfo the debts we 
are incumbered with, part left us by ouran- 
ceftors to provide for, and part contracted 
by our own extravagant purfuits. 

A candid examination has alfo been ftated 
of the repor s, in order to enable every fel- 
low-fubject to difcover their tendency. But 
if our reprefentatives do nor proceed deeper 
into reform, than they feem at prefent in- 
clined to go, the petitions of the people 
yvili be poorly gratified. 

To work an effectual reform in the 

finances, 

9 



[ "o ] 

finances, fo as to produce any confiderable 
favings, either in collecting or expending 
the revenue, the feveral complex duties and 
taxes mould be Amplified ; all ufelefs places, 
of whatever denomination, which exift at 
prefent, and fuch as fhall become ufelefs 
upon any real reform taking place, be abo- 
lifhed. 

All fees and perquifites allowed, mould 
be regiftered, and then converted to the 
augmentation of falaries in the refpective 
departments, in propertion to the truft and 
attendance : and no perfons fhould be placed 
at the head of offices they do not regularly 
attend, fufficient to tranfadl the bufinefs. 
The fulleft reward might then be given to 
thofe who conduced the official bufinefs ; 
and very material favings made in office 
expences, for collecting and iffuing the 
Revenues, and controuling the expenditure ; 
not, in all probability, to a lefs amount 
than five or fix hundred thoufand pounds a 
year, from falaries, fees, and perquifites, 
reckoning thofe fees never brought to any 
public account : and from the fale alfo of 
the Crown lands. Nothing would be found 
chimerical or difgraceful in fuch a reform, 
nor anywife inconfiftent with public dig- 
nity, jujiice, and gratitude. 

The various colle&ions which conftitute 
the national revenue, fhould lofe all dis- 
tinction, a5 to the particular branch or tax* 

when 



[ Ml ] 

•when it reaches the exchequer ; for there 
the taxes might all confolidate, to be after- 
wards iffued as from one general mafs j 
which, when collected, mould be lodged 
at the bank, as the great depofit of cafh 
for the nation. No intereft could then be 
charged the public, fo long as any part of 
the revenue remained with the bank. All 
diftinction mould likewife be deltroved, as 
to thofe fpeciiic duties and taxes hitherto 
appropriated for payment of the intereft on 
particular loans, fuch intereft to arife in 
future out of the general mafs of revenue ; 
but to remain on the credit fide of the 
national account, until the transfer books 
were ready to open for payment. At the 
fame time, the bank mould have every fatis- 
faction they could delire; advancing no fui> 
ther for the public than they do at prefent, 
which is as far as the collateral fecurity, 
under the faith of Parliament, and their own 
circumftances, may induce them to go. 

Such a regulation would make a con- 
fiderable faving, both in the trouble and 
expence of arranging accounts, as well as 
in the intereft paid for temporary loans, and 
the difcounts allowed to the bank, for antici- 
pating feveral branches of the revenue. 

The chancellor of the exchequer, in 1764, 
boafted he had raifed the Juphlies without loans 
or lotteries; and conjequently the fpirit of 
gaming had not been encouraged, or the power 

P 4 exercifed 



[ 112 ] 

exercifed of difpofmg of tickets, coimnfjions 9 or 
fubfcriptions, not unpleafing, he objerves, to 
minifiers. The minijler in 1781, conjiders 
loans in a different light ; obferving the then 
loan was indifcriminately taken, and any in- 
tereji to be procured byfuch a loan, was a poor 
compenfation for thejatigue and anxiety of the 
burthen ; and that no bufncfs could be more 
df agreeable than fettling the terms. 

However, I fhould imagine loans might 
be made more open and impartial than 
they have been fometimes. And it would 
have been much more beneficial to the 
public, for the laft loan, if it fhould ever 
be paid off, to have been raifed by adding 
eighty or ninety thoufand pounds a year, 
life-annuities, to the intereft, inftead of 
feventy-five per cent, to the capital ; becaufe, 
upon the annuity lives would be falling, 
and in a few years a reduction of intereft 
might take place : both thefe circumftances, 
as they occurred, would produce a faving to 
the nation. 

Loans fhould be open to all who can 
make their firft depofitj in which cafe, four 
or five hundred thoufand pounds would be 
found as fatisfactory, as twice that fum dif- 
tributed among a fet of particular fubferi- 
bers ; for we may be affured, the moniedmen, 
taken indifcriminately, would be contented 
with a fmaller advantage, than thofe felected 
few, who may be idle enough, perhaps, to 
5 confider 



[ Mi 1 

confider their portion of a fubfcription as 
a douceur, or a reward. 

From the various circum fiances which 
have been ftated, relative to the finances^ 
as well regarding the irregular aids, as the 
conftant revenues, confiderable favings and 
other advantages might undoubtedly accrue 
to the nation by a real reform. For let us 
remember, that whatever denomination the 
charges attendant on the collectings bor-* 
rowing 9 ijfuing, expending, or auditing) af- 
fume ; whether f alary, incident, or pen- 
jion*, whether douceur, perquifite, or fee ; 
public or private; they are alike drained 
from the pocket of the fubjedt; and if 
preffed too hard to-day, it will only render 
us lefs able to bear the burthen of to- 
morrow. 

Much oppofition would probably gather 
againfr. any effectual reform, from the in- 
jury and difappointment that might be ap- 
prehended, and, without proper attention, 
would arife, to individuals. But in pur- 
fuing reform, Parliament would never lofef 
fight, it is to be hoped, of private juftice : 
in which cafe, no great difficulty could oc- 
cur, in making every perfon, deprived of 
any legal emolument, full amends. The 
men of real bufinefs might be ufefully em- 
ployed in other departments, as vacancies 
arofe; and, till that happened, have a fair 
and reafonable compenfation. 

0. A* 



[ "4 1 

As to men who enjoyed great patent, or 
other places, or who held them in rever- 
fion, given them by their Sovereign, the 
rewards of paft or prefent fervices ; to dif- 
poffefs fuch perfons without their confent, 
or a fair and equitable compromife, would 
be an act of the higheft national injuftice. 
But fuch a breach of public faith will never 
be committed ; as it may eafily be avoided, 
by penfions adequate to the advantages 
which the offices produced; and which com- 
mon juitice muft fecure to thofe who en- 
joy them at prefent, or have a reverfionary 
claim. 

Men may be deferving of large penfions, 
and, whenever they are, a generous public 
will not be backward to give what the 
merit of national fervices entitles them to. 
At the fame time, don't let large eftablilh- 
merits, ariimg from offices founded on fees 
drained from the pockets of the fubjects, 
be indifcriminately given, where no plea of 
merit can be found, and often to the leaft 
deferving, through court favour or indul- 
gence, or to purchafe private influence ; 
whilft, in order to tranfact the bulinefs of 
the office, a deputy muft be provided, whofe 
falary or perquifites are equal to what the 
principal's ought to be, if, inftead of a man 
of high rank, he was a man of real buli- 
nefs and knowledge, and on a level with 
the office. 

Some 



[ "5 ] 

Some general reform is acknowledged to 
be wanted in the fyftem of our finances ; to 
correft errors, abufes, and extravagance, crept 
into the collection and expenditure of public 
money, from a variety of circumflances, 
which time and various accidents have oc- 
cafioned : no period can arrive, to make 
fuch reform more neceffary, than the prefent 
alarming crifis 5 when dangers threaten 
from every fide ; when our commerce is 
going from us, and our expences increas- 
ing -, as the levies of this year, amounting 
to twenty-nine millions, and the unfunded 
debt laying behind, fufficiently prove. 

Sanguine, carelefs minds, who look but 
to the provifion of the day ; and interefted 
ones, who wifh to conceal the decline of our 
wealth, may both be led to fay ; Are not 
the furpluffes of the taxes, after providing 
an intereft for fifty millions of additional 
debt, as large at this time as they were in 
1775, before the prefent war begun, or any 
part of the debt for this war had been con- 
tracted ? a time when the nation was al- 
lowed to be in a moft flourifhing condi- 
tion : And is not the finking fund at this 
day equal to what it was then ? Nay more, 
is it not double the amount of what that 
fund was five or fix and twenty years 
ago ? The fac5ls are admitted as to the 
amount of the furpluffes which create the 
finking fund; but an examination into the 
Qz articles 



t 116 J 

Articles of taxation will iliew, in characters 
fb plain, who runs may read, that thofe re- 
fources are declining faft, which furnifhed 
the fupplies neceffary to replenish what 
from time to time became exhaufted. 

The land and malt taxes, with the fink- 
ing fund, make the whole of the annual 
revenue, that remains unappropriated, to 
anfwer the naval and military eftablifh- 
ments ; the reft being applied to the civil 
lift, and the intereft of the public debts. 

The two firft articles are generally the 
fame ; allowing for the rate of the land 
tax : And it is true, the finking fund has 
kept increafing with the increafe of the 
national confumption ; but then the peace 
pftablifhments, our rulers have taken care 
fliould increafe alfo ; for, prior to the laft 
war, when the finking fund was but one 
million and a half, the peace eftablifhment 
did not amount to more than two millions 
three hundred and fifty thoufand pounds a 
year, on an average of fix years ; whilft the 
jcftablifhment on the average, during the 
laft twelve years of peace, came to three 
millions and a half a year — an increafe that 
has not yet been accounted for ; but which 
our reprefentatives ought to explain, after 
the very ill-conditioned ftate of our fhips 
pf war, to meet our enemies, in 1778. 

But to return to the fubjecx of our 
$nances.T*-The furpluffes, which conftitute 

the 



[ "7 3 

the finking fund, depend entirely on the 
national confumption, to make thofe taxes 
they arife from productive ; and confump- 
tion muft depend on the influx of wealth 
to fupply it : without fuch fupply it can- 
not long continue. That influx of wealth 
depends on our foreign commerce, and the 
vend of our manufactures ; all which had 
increafed with our poffeflions in Afia ; and 
as the population and produce of our iflands 
and colonies in America increafed. Hence 
thofe ftreams of riches flowed, by which 
our numerous wants have been fupplied. 
From fuch refources, our accumulating 
taxes, from time to time, have originated. 
Thefe ftreams had gathered as they run, 
from the revolution, until the prefent fatal 
war begun. 

The laft glorious war had particularly 
in view the extenfion of our commerce; 
in which it fucceeded, and laid a founda- 
tion for induftry and policy to improve; 
that might have lafted for ages, had not a 
fyftem been purfued, inimical, nay deftruc- 
tive in its nature and tendency, to the views 
of the merchant. 

The cuftoms, which prior to the laft war 
did not produce more than three millions, 
or bring into the treafufy more than one 
million and a half, clear of charges, had 
increafed to five millions when the prefent 
war broke out $ and brought net into the 

treafury 



[ h8 ] 

treafury two millions and a half, and up- 
wards. And the debentures, which are 
teftimonies of the annual amount of the 
drawbacks paid in re-exporting of im- 
ported commodities, were increafed, during 
the laft peace, one million and upwards be- 
yond their amount about the years 1749 
and 1750. No ftronger proofs can be 
brought to fhew the increafe of our com- 
merce, and of courfe of the employment 
of our merchant fhips. 

The excite duties, which in 1754 did 
not reach three million's, in 1775 extended 
to near five millions : therefore it is evi- 
dent, that the great increafe of our export 
and import trade, furnifhed thofe refources 
which fed confumption, and kept our wealth 
from being exhausted. 

The figns and marks of our increafing 
wealth, until this fatal conteft with our 
colonies begun, were plainly to be traced 
in the increafe of the cuftoms, in the great 
rife of the rents of lands, which, in the 
fpace of forty or fifty years, had nearly 
doubled their amount ; at the fame time, 
alfo, the fee-fimple of the lands was in- 
creafed ten or fifteen years purchafe beyond 
their former value. In fhort, the gradual 
fall of intereft, from the time of Queen 
Anne's wars, the great extenfion of credit, 
and the eafy terms on which difcounts were 
to be obtained, until within thefe four or 

five 



t "9 ] 

five years, all go to denote the plenty of 
money that came into circulation, more 
than fufficient to anfwer the continued 
wants of credit. Advantages owing to our 
increafing export and import trade, the 
fource of all our Strength and grandeur, 
and which realized a confiderable balance 
in our favour, at the end of every year: 
and by that means replenished the wafte, 
and kept feeding the crufe as it exhaufted. 
And fimilar balances might have continued 
for a long feries of years to enrich us, but 
for our ill-judged policy; which is likely 
to remain a monument of our folly and dif- 
grace to future ages. 

Facts will fupport what has been afferted 
with refpect to the extent and advantages 
of our commerce ; and facts will alfo point 
out its decline. For in 1779, in the fourth 
year of our conteft with our difarTected colo- 
nies, and the fecond year of the war with 
France, and the firft with Spain, our ex- 
ports were decreafed five, and our imports 
four millions below their amount in 1773, 
and for fome years back. — But our com- 
merce deferves a feparate inveftigation ; 
which fhall in a very mort time be laid be- 
fore the public. 

The debentures, the great teft of re- 
exportation, did not amount, in 1779 and 
1780, to a million fterling ; which, on an 
average of four years, from 1771 to- 1774, 

exceeded 



t i2 ° J 

exceeded two millions one hundred thoti^ 
fand pounds. And many of our manufac- 
tures, and other articles, are confumed in 
America, to fupport the prefent war, which 
now contribute to fwell the lift of export 
goods, at the fame time that they operate 
in their effect, directly contrary to the prin- 
ciples of export trade, by impoverifhing 
inflead of enriching the kingdom. 

It ought to be confidered, that there are 
alfo many of our manufactures, relating 
to the navy, army, and ordnance, bring 
no wealth into the kingdom, though they 
help to keep up induftry and labour, and 
promote circulation ; giving the outward 
appearances, without producing the national 
returns which flow from commerce. The 
millions annually expended in war, being 
profitable only to a few individuals who fur- 
round the treafury, fuch as agents, contrac- 
tors, and others, whofe gains arife out of the 
pockets of their fellow- fubjects. This mode 
of employing our manufacturers can be no 
compenfation for the lofs of our foreign 
trade, both in Europe and America, which 
is going from us very fart; whilft we feem 
to behold the lofs with much indifference ; 
as if we either did not know its value, or 
were under no apprehenfions of any part of 
it leaving us : at the fame time that the moil 
ftriking proofs are continually coming for- 
ward to convince us. For not only the deben- 
3 tures 



[ w ] 

tures are declined, but the receipt or annual 
balance into the treafury, from the cuftoms,is 
leffened below the amount prior to this war; 
although additional duties, to full two hun- 
dred thoufand pounds a year, have been laid 
on merchandize fince the war broke out. 

The high interefr. of money is another 
proof of our declining wealth ; which has 
nearly reached the ftandard or level it was at 
early in the prefent century. High intereft 
has ever been conlidered as a fign the mo- 
ney in circulation was inadequate to the de- 
mand; and as foreign commerce, and the 
vend of our manufactures, increafed, the in- 
tereft. of money, upon examination, will be 
found to have fell : a proof that money grew 
more plenty in the kingdom. As money 
increafed, the rents of lands became in- 
creafed alfo ; and were advanced in value 
from twenty to thirty years purchafe, and 
upwards. So that, for feveral years prior to 
the prefent war, nay, during the laft war, 
few landed eftates yielded their pofTefTors 
more than two and three quarters or three 
per cent, intereft for their money. And 
mortgages on lands were attainable for four 
per cent, the outline, under the bell fecu- 
rity. Whereas at prefent money is with, the 
utmoft difficulty to be procured at five per 
cent, on undeniable landed fecurity ; and 
numbers cannot fupply their wants at that 
premium. 

R The 



[ 122 ] 

The value of land has fallen confiderably: 
eftates have been fold, in the laft two or three 
years, as low as twenty years purchafe, or 
rather under ; and none higher than twenty- 
five years purchafe. The complaints from 
farmers of their rents being too high, are be- 
come very prevalent in many counties ; and 
the numbers failing on their farms, or grow- 
ing greatly in arrears of rent, all tend to ve- 
rify the aflertions relative to the decay of 
wealth. Money was to be obtained in the 
laft war, and only a few years back, on long 
bills, for four per cent, when good names 
were upon them. No long bills are now to 
be difcounted, in general, for legal intereft, 
however fubftantial the credit of the bills; 
And the government fecurities unfunded, 
and fure of being difcharged in two years; 
are at an alarming difcount, much greater 
than at any period of the laft war. Credit 
too is iria tottering ftate, being greatly cir- 
cumfcribed, and alarmed at a fhadow. Thefe 
fafts'are too clear to admit a doubt ; and are 
melancholy proofs of our decline, no fo- 
phiftry can evade. 

Such ftriking teftimonies of approaching 
diftrefs, as are here enumerated, it would 
not be in the power of art or management to 
affect the appearance of, by any combina- 
tions whatever, if that great fource of wealth 
had remained undifturbed, the numerous 
ftreams of commerce, which the laft glori- 
ous 



t 123 ] 

bus war fecured, and years of fucceeding 
peace had realized, in the opulence, power, 
and grandeur of our empire. 

Our commerce, and the vend of our ma- 
nufactures, through a feries of years prior to 
the prefent war, had brought into Great 
Britain much more wealth than the annual 
wafte confumed : this ftore in referve, this 
national capital, if I may fo term if, the 
happy effects of our act of navigation, and 
the increafe of population and induftry in 
our colonies and iflands, muft now be drawn 
forth into confumption, to make our taxes 
productive, and furnifh thofe funis, from 
whence the demands of government are to 
be fupported. 

This kit refource, our internal wealth, 
or national capital, may help us out for a 
mort time, but muft neceffarily diminifh, 
and foon be exliaufted ; unlefs fome frefh 
fupplies are found out to replenish the wafte : 
and of courfe will leave us, under a declining 
trade, only the more impoverished in the 
end. The figns of that approaching period 
are too plain to be miftook. 

If, therefore, our foreign commerce and 
navigation are not reftored, our expences 
will by neceffity contract : as they contract^ 
our taxes will become lefs productive, and 
our revenues in confequence reduced. For 
the taxes from the land and excife, the in- 
land duties and cuftoms, all depend for their 
R 2 production 



[ 124 ] 

production on induftry, and the vend of our 
manufactures ; on merchandize, and the em- 
ployment of our (hipping : for, without this 
Chain of circumftances to promote and feed 
excefs and difiipation, our wants muft foon 
remain unfatisfied; and confumption de- 
cline, of courfe. Therefore, taxes collected 
on articles of confumption, cannot come in 
proof of the increafe of wealth, but merely 
of the wafte of it. 

As neceffity narrows our confumption, 
our prefent wonderful fyftem of taxation will 
be circumfcribed. T^he melancholy period, 
I fear, is not far off, when that fyftem muft 
contract ; the building totters ; nor can it 
furnifh fupplies much longer for the heavy 
expence of the war, and the debts we have 
not only incurred ourfelves, but thofe alfo 
our anceftors left us to difcharge. For 
though the fiat of power may create taxes, 
that power cannot make them productive, 
when the fources they are to arife from fail. 

Therefore, if the fame wafte and extrava- 
gance fhall be continued, as has prevailed 
for thefe three or four years paft -> if the 
war fhall be carried on at the fame enor- 
mous expence, and our commerce, difre- 
garded, be left further to decreafe, and at 
laft expire ; ruin muft overtake us, beyond 
the efforts of the wife, the firm, and honeft, 
to retrieve. 

I fpeak not from conjecture : the proofs 

of 



[ to ] 

of our declining wealth are too ftriking to 
admit of any doubt : therefore, the ap- 
proaching indications of our danger ought 
to ring the alarm, to warn us on our guard, 
and teach us to reflect ferioufly on our fi- 
tuation. 

Natural caufes led us to opulence, ftrength, 
and grandeur : caufes as natural, but of a 
different tendency, will have a contrary ef- 
fect. The facts which have been ftated, 
clearly point out the fources from whence 
our ways and means have hitherto arofe : 
thofe commercial ftreams dried up, the land- 
holder will in great meafure be obliged to 
fupport the public burthens; for many of 
thofe, whofe fortunes lay in moveable wealth, 
would caft the burthen from themielves, 
to thofe whofe property were fixed ; and, 
collecting together at leaft a part of their 
effects, would, with thofe remains, ibek 
fhelter in fome rifing ftate, fonie lefs en- 
cumbered country. 

The country gentlemen, the landholders 
of all defcripiions, would do well to look 
around them, and to reflect on their fitua- 
tion, before it is too late; a fituation far 
more alarming than many of them hitherto 
feem to have been aware of. 

Whenever the day of diftrefs arrives (and 
arrive it will foon, if we purfue the fame 
fyftem of conduct as we have done for a few 
years paft) the country gentlemen will be 

left, 



C 126 1 

left, under the reduced value of their lands,, 
to fupport the accumulating burthens of our 
taxes, made light before by our extenfive 
commerce ; but, deprived of that afliftance, 
the landholders will remain, almoft alone, 
to provide for the exigencies of govern- 
ment; and to feed the national creditors 
from the produce of their lands ; at a time, 
when the price of labour has become in- 
cre;afed from the weight of taxes, which will 
of courfe increafe the expences on their 
eftates, whilft the diftrefles of their country 
are driving them to "the neceffity of lower- 
ing their rents. 

From the confidence the national credi- 
tors have been taught to place on Parlia- 
ment, that faith and fecurity, folemnly 
pledged to them, mufl not be deftroyed, 
whatever opinions men may be led to throw 
out in private converfation. No fuch ftab 
mufl; be given to public credit : the moft 
profligate dare not flrike the blow, unlefs 
they were the moft thoughtlefs minifters 
alfo : as, otherwife, they would be fenfible 
of the danger of the attempt, and be re- 
ftrained by fear for their own fafety. 

No ftate can make any great exertions, 
wherein the fubjefts have not full confi- 
dence and fecurity in its protection of their 
property ; therefore public credit is eflential 
to the fafety and dignity of the ftate, and to 
Iphe welfare of the people, in every country 

governed 



L I2 7 1 

governed by principles of wifdom and found 
policy. For, (to ufe the expreftion of the ce- 
lebrated Monf. Neckar,) the inter eft of a na- 
tion, if rightly underjlood, will always reft upon 
the bafts of fidelity anajuftice. 

Public credit is full as neceffary for the 
fupport of government, as private credit is 
in the conducting of commerce : without 
credit, no extenfive concerns in trade, either 
foreign or domeftic, could be carried on. 
But credit cannot fubfift without a found 
bottom, a folid foundation of real wealth, 
or affets, fomewhere exifting within the 
kingdom, fufficient to anfwer the paper 
floating in circulation, upon the ftrength 
and fecurity of that real wealth : which pa- 
per, though continually ifluing forth, is 
constantly returning to be renewed or dif- 
charged ; and thereby puts the exigence of 
the real wealth v/ithin the kingdom to the 
teft. As this is an intricate fubjecft, and va- 
rious opinions have been formed on it by 
the wifeft and moft refpedtable characters, 
I fhall endeavour to explain myfelf more 
fully on the great queftion, Whether pa- 
per, the fubftitute for real wealth, can hold 
its credit and co, fequence in circulation, 
when that real wealth is materially reduced ? 
» — I think not, and will affign my reafons. 

In the firft place, I conceive that no pa- 
per, either public or private, can get into 
circulation, without the full value being 

produced 



f «8 ] 

produced for it ; for in that pernicious pa- 
per, wherein men lend their names without 
any real property exchanged, the iffues of 
mere fwindlers ; till fomebody has had cre- 
dulity to advance, or lend real money on the 
credit and fecurity of that paper, it cannot get 
into circulation ; and whenever due, if not 
paid for by the perfon from whom the note 
originated, he, or his credit, muft fail. And 
fo it is with all the paper, nominal or real, 
whether payable on demand, or at more 
diftant periods ; there muft have been folid 
wealth to bring any of it into circulation ; 
and fo there muft be to difcharge it after- 
wards ; otherwife, it will produce an im- 
mediate failure or difcredit fornewhere. 
Therefore, this private paper, which is all 
voluntary iffues, muft have real wealth fub- 
lifting to anfwer it, of which the paper is 
but the counterpart; or that paper muft 
foon blow up, and a total ftop be put to 
its circulation. 

The bank paper is by far more extenfive 
than the private, but ftands on much the 
fame ground ; and could not long keep out 
in circulation, without a foundation of real 
wealth to fupport it, of which the paper is 
only the fubftitute. 

From the ready exchange of bank notes 
at all times, it is evident, that fort of paper 
has obtained credit and confidence through- 
out the kingdom : but, as nobody would 

think 



[ l2 9 3 

think of hoarding bank notes, therefore few 
or no notes will long remain out, that are 
not ufed in circulation ; and none can exift 
in ufe, but as the fubftitute for real wealth, 
which had been given to draw them into 
circulation. For the bank neither lends on 
exchequer bills to the public, nor iffaes for 
the ftate, or private merchants, to the fmall- 
cft amount, without intereft and collateral 
fecurity. 

We will fuppofe, on thefe occafions, the 
bank fupplies the flate or individuals with 
their promiflbry notes ; adding fo much more 
paper to what was before out upon their 
credit ; the treafury and the merchants fend 
thofe notes immediately into circulation $ 
they then become fubdivided ; part will re- 
turn to the bank for real cafh, to anfwer the 
various ufes wherein fmall fums are wanted ; 
and part will be kept for a while in circu- 
lation. But when the taxes are collected, 
or the loans raifed, from whence the ex- 
chequer bills, or other debts contracted by 
government, are to be difcharged; or when 
the merchant has been paid for the goods 
he had fold -, in any or all of thefe cafes, 
the returns are made to the bank, for their 
loans, more or lefs, in cam, or in their own 
notes, according to the circulation arifing 
out of foreign commerce ; that is, as the 
balances accruing in our favour from the 
export trade, mall extend, or contract. 

It would be impoffible to preferve in cir- 
S culation, 



[ *3° 1 

cularion, to any ufeful purpofe, that paper, 
the reprefentative of weakh, when the fub- 
ftance, the real wealth, was done away. 
The promiffory notes the bank fends forth, 
are not compuifory ; they will float about, 
in proportion to the increafe or continuance 
pf the fubftance, they were originally iffued 
to reprefent. And as the amount of the 
fubftance decreafes, the notes will contract, 
and return into the bank. As our wealth 
is drained from us, thofe iigns will die away. 
There is no management or intrigue, united 
to power, that coula 1 force paper into circu- 
lation, and keep it at its natural value, un- 
lefs it could be changed, on demand, for the 
fum in gold or filver, for which it is the 
fign ; and then it is in every refpect equal to 
the payment in coin. 

The gold and filver will inevitably wafte, 
and be carried out of the kingdom, as the 
balance on trade turns againit us : but at 
the fame time, as the fubftance diminishes, 
the fhadows v/ill contract in proportion. 

If the paper, after acquiring confidence 
with the public, flood firm without the 
fupport of tnat real wealth it merely repre- 
fent., and whereon its intrinfic value has 
been ufually confidered to depend; from 
whence arifes the preient apparent fcarcity 
of money, and the high intereft it bears, com- 
paratively, with the intereft a few years 
back ? This could not be the cafe, if the 
3 pper 



[ W 3 

paper could remain to an equal amount in 
circulation, when the gold and filver was 
draining away ; for it would be only coin- 
ing more paper, as the real wealth wafted, 
and all muft be well again ; and the king- 
dom in the fame flourifliing ftate as when, 
the real wealth remained among us^ 

If this argument was well founded, Ame- 
rica would have been under no diftrefs for 
money, fince her defection from the parent 
country. But it is not within the authority 
of congrefs, or any firmer legiflative power, 
to make paper a legal tender, fend it into 
circulation, ftamp whatever value they think 
proper on it, and preferve it there from any 
depreciation ; the reafon is, the mere adt of 
making it a legal tender, cannot give confi- 
dence to it : confidence, which only can. 
ftrengthen credit, and promote the circu- 
lation of paper, is the effed: of time and 
pundluality : paper muft be infured at all 
times its real value - y which depends on the 
certain and fpeedy means of exchanging it 
for the amount in gold or filver that had 
been ftampt on it by authority : the tenders 
too, inftead of being legal, and compulfive, 
muft be voluntary and free to accept or notf 
no other method can give currency to paper, 
and fecure it from depreciation. 

If paper cannot be readily exchanged for 
the money it is certified to anfwer, it muft 
iink in value; the paper itfelf being of no 

S 2 worth, 



[ *3 2 ] 

worth, but according to the gold or filver 
to be obtained for it. It can carry no intrin- 
fic value to a foreign market ; and when 
received in payment, it is no more than 
giving the fecurity of the ftate, or the bank, 
for that of an individual ; and whatever 
faith may be placed in the ultimate dif- 
charge, it will afTuredly depreciate in pro- 
portion to the diftance of time, and the 
uncertainty of payment. 

What I mean to infer from hence is, that 
it is impoffible for paper to be kept out in 
circulation, that is x payable on demand, and 
its credit fupported, any longer than there is 
wealth remaining in the kingdom to anfwer 
it. Therefore, as our real wealth mail wafle, 
or be drained out of the kingdom, the pa- 
per will gradually revert back to its fource 
and become annihilated : for, as the bank, 
to anfwer claims, called in its debts, thofe 
debts would, many of them at leaft, be dif* 
charged with its own paper. 

It would be impracticable to define the 
amount of the real wealth circulating in 
thefe kingdoms, and of courfe the extent 
of its fubflitute, the credit that wealth 
fends forth, to condufl: the amazing ex- 
change or barter carried on through our 
manufactures and our commerce; the variety 
of circumftances they depend on, the la- 
byrinth in which they are involved, are 
net to be explored. The attempt, I think, 

would 



[ J 33 1 

would be improper ; becaufe, if miftaken, 
the errors only ferve to furnifh ground for 
difputants to contend -, and for all thofe who 
brought us to our prefent fit uation, to laugh 
at our fears and apprehenfions of approach- 
ing ruin ; by which means the temperate and 
ill-informed part of the community, and 
the country gentlemen living at a diftance 
from the capital, are lulled into fecurity, 
and led to believe the evil at leaft is far 
off; as the writer of the " Letters to a young 
Nobleman" peremptorily aflerts. However, 
if that writer is no better informed of the 
wealth and refources at home, than he 
feems to be of the fupplies that Alia can 
afford us, there is but little reliance to be 
placed in his aflertions. 

Though I do not pretend to afcertain 
the amount of our exirting wealth within 
the kingdom ; or the extent of our refources 
without it ; nor the period of our grandeur ; 
fure I am, the race we are now running, and 
which the author of thofe Letters urges us 
to run on, will, without greater and abler 
exertions at fea, and more ceconomy in our 
operations by land, bring us much fooner 
to diftrefs, if not to ruin, than he feems to 
apprehend. 

It will lead us fpeedily into that fitua- 
tion, wherein our fyftem of taxation muft 
inevitably decline ; and, ceafing to be pro- 
ductive in any degree equal to its prefent 
amount, will revert back to the fame 

contracted 



[ 134 ] 

contrafted ftate its different produces yield- 
ed about fifty or fixty years ago; at the 
fame time leaving the neceffaries of life 
much dearer, and the nation encum- 
bered wkh an enormous debt, which it will 
be dangerous to annihilate, and difficult 
cither to provide for, or difcharge, without 
the affiftance of an extenfive foreign com- 
merce, equal in value to what the laft war 
had fo wifely and providently fecured to 
us. 



FINIS, 



POSTSCRIPT. 

IN order to prove, beyond the poflibility of doubt or contradi&ion, the enormous expence of the pre- 
fent war, the following comparative ftatements have been drawn. 

The furpluffes arifing from the different branches of the perpetual revenue, after the charges of col- 
lection, the intereft of the public debts, and the civil lift, are all provided for, conftitute the linking 
fund ; which, with the land and malt taxes, voted annually, make the whole of the national income that 
remains to anfwer the naval and military eftablifhments from year to year -, all beyond their amount mud 
be procured from loans, or extraordinary fupplies. 



The finking fund was 
given, in 

1757, for 1,786,000 fThus the finking fund, in the 

175** 1,906,000 r r ^i~ 1 n. r 

1759, 2,430,000 ! fi x years of the laft war, fur- 

2,603,0001 nifhed towards the exigencies 

of government, — — 



1760, 
1761, 
1762, 



1,009,000 I 



The land and malt, fet at about 
£.2,560,000 a year, for the 
fix years came to — — 

Money actually borrowed in the 
fix years, of the public, — 



£■ 

11,496,000 



15,360,000 
64,000,000 



Nominal capital added to feme 
of the loans, to be paid only 
on redemption of the debts, ■— 



£.90,856,000 



1,230,000 



The finking fund, on the 

average of the five years, 

from 1776 to 1780, has 

been faid to produce 

£. 2,868,000 a year, — 
The finking fund for 1781, 

fet at — 

Land and malt for the fix 

years, at £. 2,560,000 a 

year, — 

Money actually borrowed of 

the public in the fix years, 44,000,000 
The unprovided debt, that 

will probably be owing the 

end of 1 78 1, has been efti- 

mated at — — 30,000,000 



£• 

14,340,000 



— 2,900,000 



15,360,000 



£. 106,600,000 
Nominal capital to be paid 
on the redemption of the 
debt, — — 9,000,000 



Hence the prefent war will, by the end 6f 1781, have coft the nation, in the fame number of years, 
fixteen millions more than the laft war, without reckoning the nominal capital ; and twenty-four mil- 
lions, that included. 



HF 
1534 
1735 
R6 



cRose, George-] 

The proposed system of 
trade with Ireland explaine< 



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